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OF  CALIFORNIA 

PRESENTED  BY 

PROF.  CHARLES  A.  KOFOID  AND 
MRS.  PRUDENCE  W.  KOFOID 


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WHOLESALE  AND  RETAIL 

LAW,   ZMEXSDZCAZi,   THEOLOGICAL,  AND 
MISCELLANEOUS 


ffi  ©  ®  IS    SSOI 

293  MARKET  STREET,  PHILADELPHIA. 


HASWELL,  BARRINGTON,  AND  HASWELL, 

(SUCCESSORS  TO  A.  TOWAR,) 

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Keep  a  general  supply  of  Books  suitable  for  Country  Mer 
chants,  Colleges,  Schools,  &c.,  &c.,  to  which  they  respectfully 
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will  be  found  to  comprise  every  variety  suited  to  the  wants  of 
the  Professor,  the  Practitioner,  and  the  Student.  They  also 
publish,  monthly, 

THE  SELECT  MEDICAL  LIBRARY 

AND 

Eclectic  Journal  of  Medicine, 

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profession. 


The  attention  of  Directors  of  Public  Schools,  Colleges,  and 
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large  assortment  of  Classical,  Scientific,  and  Miscellaneous 

SCHOOL  BOOKS, 

In  Hebrew,  Greek,  Latin,  Spanish,  Italian,  French,  and  English' 

H.  B.  &  H.  also  have  for  sale,  and  will  be  constantly  adding 
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AND 

ELEMENTARY  LAW  BOOKS. 

They  have  lately  published  a  very  handsome  edition  of 
Thomas's  COKE,  in  three  vols.  royal  8vo.,  superior  printing 
and  binding. 

THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARIES 

SUPPLIED 

WITH  STANDARD  AND  MISCELLANEOUS  WORKS. 


Just  published,  a  fine  edition  of 
HENRY'S   COMMENTARIES, 

In  6  vols.    Also,  a  beautiful 


In  every  variety  of  binding. 


AN   INQUIRY,    ETC. 


AN  INttUIRY 

I) 

INTO 

THE    CONDITION   AND    PROSPECTS 


AFRICAN   RACE 

IN    THE 

2inttetr  States: 

AND 

THE  MEANS  OF  BETTERING  ITS  FORTUNES. 


"  Indignantly  frown  upon  the  first  dawning  of  every  attempt  to  alien  any 
portion  of  our  country  from  the  rest."— GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


BY    AN    AMERICAN. 


PHILADELPHIA: 
HASWELL,   HARRINGTON,  AND   HASWELL. 

1839. 

• 


C/ 


ENTERED  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1839,  by 
HASWELL,  HARRINGTON,  and  HARWELL,  in  the  Clerk's  Office  of 
the  District  Court  of  the  Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania. 


CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION  .  ....         PAGE 

CHAPTER  I. 

TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

I.  Why  first  appeal  to  Abolitionists—  result  of  their  measures 
doubtful.  —  Writer,  once  an  abolitionist  —  how  cured. 

II.  Ultraism  of  the  present  day  —  in  theology  —  and  benevolence. 

III.  Writer's  views  of  slavery  —  caused  by  man's  depravity—  no 
remedy  but  Christianity  —  moral  influence  of  our  national  pros 
perity.  —  Coronation  of  England's  queen  —  Dr.  Franklin. 

IV.  Circumstances  in  which  slavery  may  be  a  blessing  —  theory 
and  practice  of  abolitionists  inconsistent  —  reference  to  St.  Paul 
—  objections  to  holding  slaves. 

yr*A~f*} 

>:h7*  c, 


8  CONTENTS. 

V.  Action  and  measures  of  abolitionists,  why  wrong — abolition 
periodicals — Mr.  Garrison — editor   in  New  York— should  be 
judged  charitably. 

VI.  Slaveholders'  ideas  of  abolitionists — why — many  slave-owners 
anxious  to  get  rid  of  slavery — what  abolitionists  ought  to  have 
done — arguments  not  admitted — abolitionists   seriously  ques 
tioned. 

VII.  Abolition  in  District  of  Columbia  opposed — why  ?        p.  21 


CHAPTER  II. 


APPEAL    TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 


I.  Design  of  the  writer.     Slaveholders  and  abolitionists  ignorant 
of  each  other. 

II.  Character   of  abolitionists  misunderstood  —  enthusiasts — in 
creased  by  opposition — many  of  them  well-meaning  men. 

III.  Slavery,  general  view — negroes  human  beings,  capable  of 
improvement. 

IV.  Power  of  the  master  —  slaveholders  interrogated.     Fearful 
responsibility  in  holding  human  beings  as  slaves. 

V.  The  Bible  on  that  responsibility. 

VI.  Brief  survey  of  practical  slavery — moral  aspect — ignorance 
— dishonesty,  facts  in  proof — licentiousness,  slaveholders  aware 
of  the  evil. 


CONTENTS. 


g 


VII.  Influence  of  slavery  on  individuals — character  of  slaves — 
their  influence  on  masters — on  poor  white  men. 

VIII.  Influence  of  slavery  on  national  prosperity — monopoly  of 
cotton — southern   system   not    favourable    to    improvement — 
comparison  with  imperial  Rome — with  Peru  and  Mexico. 

IX.  A  better  system  recommended  to  the  South.     Question  of 
moral  right  will  be  agitated  among  slaveholders. 

X.  Slaveholders  plead  that  a  manufacturing  country  makes  actual 
slaves — some  weight  in  the  plea — radical  difference.     Southern 
states  should  depend  on  agriculture.     "  Plan  "  of  independence 
considered. 

XI.  Views  of  the  North   on   slavery — tendency  of  abolition — 
ridiculous  action  among  some  northern  manufacturers. 

XII.  Dissolution  of  Union  threatened — its  preservation  urged  upon 
the  South.     North  not  inimical  to  the  South. 

XIII.  The  probable  result  of  the  controversy.     Influence  of  British 
emancipation.      Modern   slavery  compared   with   Roman  and 
Grecian.     Conclusion  .         .         .         .         .         P.  63 

fcf* 

CHAPTER  III. 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 


I.  Free  and  slave  states  diametrically  opposed — what  influence 
this  should  exert  on  the  former — why  oppose  the  spirit  of  abo 
lition — how  the  South  may  be  reached. 


10  CONTENTS. 

II.  Why  slaveholders  should  be  judged  charitably — and  the  sub 
ject   investigated — northern   ministers   appealed   to — northern 
men  at  the  South — severe  taskmasters — why. 

III.  Power  of  habit,  the  stronghold  of  slavery,  influence  of  filial 
and   venerable   associations  among  slaveholders — opposed  to 
unconditional  emancipation — why. 

IV.  Universal  conviction  of  the  right  of  property. — Value   of 
slaves. — Ignorance  of  northern  men  respecting  slavery. 

V.  Condition  of  the  slave — observations  of  the  writer — house 
servants   many  advantages — field  labourers — negro  houses — 
bad — mode  of  feeding  slaves — various  resources  among  them 
— public  opinion  in  favour  of  humanity — dress  of  slaves — 
personal  treatment — mode  of  labour — general  appearance  and 
manners — many   of  them  in  places  of  trust — general  views  of 
the  whites — influence  of  the  age  on  the  slave. 

VI.  Free  blacks  of  the  South — situation  unfavourable  to  improve 
ment — interesting  exceptions. 

VII.  Condition  of  the  free  blacks  at  the  North — anecdote — de 
graded — outcasts — vicious — neglected    by  the    whites — deep- 
rooted  prejudice  against  them — proofs — what  justice  requires 
of  the  free  states. — North  not  guiltless  respecting  slavery — 
what  atonement  for  her  own  wrongs. 

VIII.  South  devoted  to  the  Union. — Interference  of  the  North, 
on  the  question  of  moral   right — appeal  to  the  free  states — 
to    the  clergy — examine   motives — forbearance  recommended 
among  equals — injurious  effects  of  northern  denunciation. — 
Example  of  the  Saviour.        .         .         .         .         .         p.   11G 


CONTENTS.  11 


CHAPTER  IV. 


TO  THE   UNION. 


I.  What  can  be  done  ]    Subject  of  vast  magnitude — radical 
difference  of  opinion. 

II.  Three  modes  of  settling  the  question  stated. 

III.  Faint  hope  that  either  side  will  abandon  its  position — ultra 
slaveholders — violence  of  southern  excitement  a  favourable  omen 
— no  prospect  of  the  North  becoming  in  favour  of  slavery — rea 
sons — will  not  use  force  against  it. 

IV.  Dissolution  of  the  Union  considered — its  probable  conse 
quences  and  result. 

V.  Third  mode  of  settling  the  question — by  compromise  and 
concession — why  it  may  be  hoped  for — desirable  that  southern 
men  should  express  their  views — prevented  by  abolition  move 
ments. 

VI.  Colonization  recommended — abolitionists  opposed — mista 
ken   philanthropy — colonization   emancipation   must   become   a 
national  question.     South  will  reject  every  other  mode — urged 
from  motives  of  regard  for  the  welfare  of  the  coloured  race — ne 
groes  cannot  rise  to  equality  with  the  whites — proved  in  the  free 
states — in  Philadelphia — slaves  to  remain  in  the  country  as  hired 
servants  considered — South  will  oppose  it,  and  why — no  encour 
agement  from  the  example  of  the  North.     British  emancipation 
referred  to — final  consequences  not  known. 

VII.  Why  the  coloured  man  should  go  to  Africa — climate  con 
sidered — comparisons  invited — America  owes  it  to  Africa  to  send 


12  CONTENTS. 

back  her  children.  God  intends  it  by  our  prosperity — government 
must  do  it — influences  of  colonization  on  Africa.  Question  of 
expense  alluded  to— money  lost  in  Florida  war. 

VIII.  Some  slave  states  have  begun  the  work — reasons  for 
government  interference — partizan  politics,  the  curse  of  our  coun 
try — the  only,  hope  of  benevolence  in  the  future.  .  p.  161 

Conclusion      .  ....         p.  205 


INTRODUCTION. 

THE  story  of  Washington  and  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  are  the  first  lessons  treasured  up 
in  the  memory  by  American  youth ;  and  one  of 
the  first  subjects  on  which  the  reasoning  powers 
are  exerted,  is  an  attempt  to  reconcile  slavery  with 
the  declaration  that  all  men  "  are  created  free  and 
equal,"  and  "  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pur 
suit  of  happiness."  The  youth  of  ingenuous  dispo 
sition,  educated  in  the  free  states,  in  reflecting  upon 
this  subject,  early  obtains  a  deep  impression  of  the 
fallibility  and  inconsistency  of  human  character. 

First,  all  men  are  free  and  equal; — secondly, 
some  of  the  men  most  distinguished  in  American 
history  were  slaveholders,  that  is,  bought  and  sold 
their  fellow-men  like  cattle ; — thirdly,  among  these 
distinguished  men,  some  (as  the  author  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence)  condemned  slavery 
in  the  strongest  terms  of  language  while  they  lived, 
and  others,  (as  General  Washington,)  in  their  final 
acts,  cancelled  the  obligation  of  the  slave,  and  gave 
him  freedom. 

These  reflections  greatly  puzzled  the  writer  of 
2  " 


14 


INTRODUCTION. 


the  following  pages  in  his  boyhood,  and  induced  a 
spirit  of  inquiry  on  the  subject  of  American  slavery, 
which  has  increased  with  maturer  age.    In  common 
with  the  youth  of  the  free  states,  he  early  imbibed 
a  strong  prejudice   against  slavery,  as  being  in 
compatible  with  the  freedom  of  our  government : 
although  this  prejudice  was  subsequently  somewhat 
softened,  by  reflecting,  that  some  of  the  men  whom 
Americans    are   taught  from    their   childhood   to 
venerate  as  great   and  good,  were  slaveholders; 
and  also,  by  the  consideration  that  the  government, 
in  all  its  acts  and  subordinate  departments,  has, 
(until  very  recently  at  least,)  recognised  the  law 
fulness  of  slavery.    There  are  multitudes,  doubtless, 
at  the  North,  who  will  at  once  comprehend  the 
embarrassment  of  the  writer  at  this  period,  by  their 
own  experience  ; — fully  convinced  of  the  urong  of 
slavery  as  an  abstract  question,  and  yet  not  feeling 
authorized  to  openly  denounce  it,  under  the  cir 
cumstances  in  which  it  is  tolerated  in  our  country: 
and  it  was  not  until  the  writer  had  mingled  with 
slavery,  and  observed  its  practical  operation  and 
bearing  upon  the  community,  with  a  circumspection 
prompted  by  the  curiosity  and  unsatisfied  inquiries 
of  twenty  years'  residence  in  the  free  sates,  that  he 
was  enabled  to  form  an  opinion  of  its  merits,  as  it 
exists  in  the  United  States — and  also  to  see  the 
reason  why  great  men  had  been  engaged  in  it,  and 
why  the  people  of  the  South  so  tenaciously  adhered 
to  the  practice.     The  result  of  these  observations 
is  given  in  the  following  pages ;  and  the  writer 


INTRODUCTION.  15 

feels  an  anxious  interest  in  the  diffusion  of  inform 
ation  on  this  subject  at  this  time,  for  two  reasons : 
1st.  A  crisis  is  approaching.  Every  man  of  com 
mon  observation  must  be  aware  of  the  fact,  that 
this  subject — the  moral  and  political  influence  of 
slavery — has  been  increasing  in  public  interest  for 
the  last  few  years ;  and  there  are  evidently  causes 
at  work,  which  will  continue  to  increase  this  in 
terest,  until  public  opinion  shall  be  centred  upon 
it  with  a  force,  which  can  neither  be  evaded  nor 
repulsed.  The  rancor  of  a  most  bitter  political  strife 
has  for  a  time  withdrawn  public  attention  from  it, 
but  the  elements  are  yet  in  a  state  of  commotion, 
and  only  wait  a  favourable  opportunity  to  burst 
forth  and  overspread  the  whole  horizon.  And  no 
honest  man  can,  in  view  of  our  national  interests, 
wish  the  settlement  of  this  great  question  delayed. 
If  slavery  is  that  grievous,  heaven-daring  oppres 
sion,  which  some  of  its  opposers  are  clamorous  in 
denouncing,  it  should  be  speedily  abolished ;  if  it 
can  be  shown  that  the  practice  is  consistent  with 
republicanism  and  Christianity,  the  slaveholder 
should  be  relieved  of  that  load  of  obloquy  which 
many  now  heap  upon  him,  and  be  permitted  to  hold 
his  possession  in  peace. 

I  call  the  attention  of  southern  men  to  this  point. 
Free  discussion  is  the  only  method  of  eliciting  light, 
and  establishing  correct  principles  in  this  land  of 
liberty.  We  have  here  no  absolute  monarch  to 
think,  and  speak,  and  act  for  the  people  "  by  the 
grace  of  God."  Free  discussion  is  not  only  the 


16  INTRODUCTION. 

prerogative  but  the  genius  of  our  people.  It  is 
the  great  manufactory  of  public  opinion,  which  is 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  Every  question, 
whether  of  village  or  national  notoriety,  must  be 
submitted  to  it,  and  decided  by  it.  It  is  as  impos 
sible  to  prevent  this  as  to  stop  water  from  running 
down  a  declivity ;  and  the  attempt  to  arrest  the 
progress  of  discussion  on  this  great  subject,  if  per 
sisted  in,  must  lead  to  the  most  disastrous  results. 
A  practice  that  will  not  bear  investigation  is  always 
liable  to  suspicion.  If  the  South  are  determined 
to  resist  every  attempt  to  discuss  and  investigate 
the  merits  of  slavery,  it  will  not  only  increase  the 
prejudice  of  its  opposers,  but  the  consequence  will 
be  to  produce  rival  orders  of  public  opinion  at  the 
North  and  South,  diametrically  opposed  to  each 
other,  and  tending  to  cherish  sectional  and  jarring 
interests. 

Without  a  free  interchange  of  sentiment,  there 
cannot  be  such  an  enlightened  understanding  of 
the  subject  as  will  lead  to  a  righteous  decision  by 
this  people.  Even  now  there  are  many  anxious 
minds  labouring  under  an  impression  that  slave 
holders  are  unwilling  to  bring  the  question  of  slavery 
to  a  free  and  full  discussion  of  its  merits ;  and  this 
impression  is  strengthened  by  the  acts  of  the 
national  legislature.  At  both  the  sessions  of  the 
twenty-fifth  Congress,  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  voted  (after  much  animated  and  excited 
debate)  to  reject  all  petitions,  and  to  allow  no  dis 
cussion  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  This  act  is  to 


INTRODUCTION.  17 

be  regretted.     Its  policy  is  more  than  questionable  : 
it  is  unwise.     It  is  like  checking  a  current  in  its 
natural  channel :    the    accumulated  waters   may 
be  arrested  for  a  time,  but  when  the  barrier  gives 
way — as  it  surely  must — the  torrent  will  sweep 
every  thing  in  its  course.     The  calm  which  seems 
to  acquiesce  in  this  act,  is  no  evidence  of  its  approval. 
The  fires  are  becoming  more  intense  in  the  pent-up 
volcano.     On  a  subject  not  involving  the  safety  of 
the  dearest  interests  of  the  community,  a  reflecting 
people  will  yield  an  unwilling  assent  to  the  decision 
of  a  large  majority,  and  submit  to  the  rejection  of 
their  petitions,  constitutionally  expressed  and  of 
fered  ;  until  the  manifest  justice  of  their  cause,  and 
the  exertions  of  its  friends,  have  removed  the  op 
position  to  their  wishes.     This  mode  of  rejecting 
petitions  is  manifestly  unjust — contrary  to  the  spirit 
and  letter  of  the  constitution — and  can  only  be  de 
fended  on  the  ground  that  extreme  exigences  war 
rant  the  setting  aside  of  established  constitutional 
provisions.    The  slaveholder  pleads  that  the  reckless 
violence   of  the   abolitionists   has   produced    this 
result,  and  no  doubt  this  is  true ;  but  whether  the 
ultimate  decision  of  the  country  will  sustain  the 
act,  and  thereby  declare  that  the  exigence  required 
the  sacrifice,  time  only  can  determine.     It  cannot 
be  questioned  that  one  effect  of  this  act  will  be,  a 
stronger  conviction  among  the  people  of  the  North, 
that  the  South  are  inclined  to  shut  up  every  avenue 
to   the   investigation   of  slavery.     Arid    the  final 
consequences  of  such  a  conviction  at  the  North,  or 
2* 


18  INTRODUCTION. 

such  a  determination  at  the  South  none  can  foresee, 
but  all  must  dread. 

2d.  The  object  of  the  writer  is  to  diffuse  infor 
mation  on  the  subject  among  the  popular  ranks 
of  his  countrymen. 

Many  books  have  been  already  written  on  both 
sides  of  the  question ;  but  they  have  generally  been 
elaborate  treatises :  on  one  side  condemning  slavery 
on  the  abstract  principles  of  moral  right,  or  on 
the  other  defending  the  practice,  from  the  usages 
of  mankind  in  all  ages  ;  or  by  denying  and  contro 
verting  the  opinions  of  their  opponents.  Such 
works  are  but  little  suited  to  the  popular  taste,  and 
produce  but  little  practical  effect  upon  the  body  of 
society.  The  great  mass  of  the  people,  the  owners 
and  cultivators  of  the  soil,  and  the  artizans — men 
who  acquire  a  proud  independence  by  honest  and 
persevering  toil — who  are  seldom  concerned  in 
tumults  or  mobbish  excesses, — and  to  whom  dema 
gogues  and  enthusiasts  generally  preach  in  vain — 
a  class  of  men  to  stand  by  the  laws  in  the  hour  of 
peril,  and  which  holds  in  check  that  spirit  of  insub 
ordination,  which  seems  eager  to  destroy — these 
are  the  men,  who  are  to  pronounce  sentence  upon 
this  momentous  subject;  and  the  sentence  they 
pronounce  they  will  carry  into  execution.  But 
they  will  not  decide  this  question,  however  enthu 
siasm  may  invoke,  or  uncurbed  passion  may 
menace,  until  they  have  had  opportunity  to  ascer 
tain  facts,  to  hear  evidence,  and  weigh  the  subject 
in  all  its  bearings.  They  constitute  the  supreme 


in 

INTRODUCTION. 

court  of  the  country,  from  whose  decision  there  is 
no  appeal.  These  men  have  little  knowledge  of 
Latin,  or  the  logic  of  the  schools,  and  little  time  to 
study  the  elaborate  productions  of  doctors  of  law 
or  metaphysics.  With  them  a  well-attested  fact 
is  of  more  value  than  a  cart  load  of  suppositions; 
and  their  assent  is  given  to  theory,  when  it  is  re 
duced  to  practice.  They  require  no  other  wisdom 
than  that  plain  sense  with  which  God  has  endowed 
them — and  which  their  observation  and  industry 
keep  in  constant  exercise  and  improvement — to 
decide  upon  the  most  important  subjects  of  na 
tional  interest  when  fairly  brought  to  their  com 
prehension. 

To  this  class  of  his  fellow-countrymen,  both 
North  and  South,  the  writer  addresses  these  pages, 
without  reference  to  politics,  party,  sect,  or  section. 
They  have  an  unspeakable  interest  in  this  question ; 
for  it  needs  not  the  spirit  of  prophecy  to  foretell, 
that  unless  it  be  amicably  settled,  a  crisis  is  ap 
proaching,  which  will  involve  the  whole  country, 
and  come  home  to  every  man's  bosom,  from  Maine 
to  the  Sabine.  Already  the  agitation  is  begun, 
and  a  spirit  is  awakened  which  cannot  be  put  to 
rest,  till  a  final  verdict  is  rendered  by  the  people. 
Notwithstanding  the  magnitude  of  the  subject,  it  is 
becoming  one  of  absorbing  interest,  and  every  man 
in  the  nation  must  look  it  in  the  face. 

To  prepare  the  public  to  act  understandingly,  it 
is  important  that  information  should  be  diffused. 
Already,  from  ignorance  of  each  other's  circum- 


20  INTRODUCTION. 

stances,  sectional  animosity  is  gaining  ground ; 
and  it  will  require  all  the  wisdom  which  fallible 
men  can  gain  from  moral  obligation  and  experi 
ence,  to  arrest  the  current  of  sectional  prejudice, 
and  decide  the  question  in  the  spirit  of  equity, 
and  with  reference  to  the  great  interests  at  stake. 
That  the  great  mass  of  the  people  are  ignorant  of 
each  other's  situation,  and  sectional  and  domestic 
customs,  and  therefore  greatly  liable  to  err  in 
judging  of  them,  the  writer  is  abundantly  satisfied 
from  his  own  experience  and  views,  before  and 
after  witnessing  the  operation  of  slavery.  Should 
he  be  instrumental  in  directing  this  class  of  men  to 
a  sober  and  righteous  decision  on  this  momentous 
subject,  his  object  will  be  attained.  He  has  no 
selfish  motives  to  favor.  His  own  individual  sug 
gestions  are  alone  responsible  for  this  work.  He 
has  consulted  no  man,  and  but  few  books.  He 
has  no  interests  at  stake,  which  will  be  involved 
by  the  decision  of  this  question,  any  farther  than 
as  a  single  member  of  the  community.  The  sub 
ject  has  been  one  of  engrossing  interest  to  him 
ever  since  he  came  to  years  of  manhood,  and  he 
has  watched  the  progress  and  development  of 
public  sentiment  with  great  solicitude.  His  humble 
efforts  are  intended  to  direct  it,  in  its  inquiries,  to  a 
sober  and  thorough  investigation;  to  a  just,  and, if 
possible,  an  amicable  settlement  of  the  momentous 
controversy. 


CHAPTER  I. 

TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

I.  Why  first  appeal  to  Abolitionists— result  of  their  measures 
doubtful. — Writer,  once  an  abolitionist — how  cured. 

II.  Ultraism  of  the  present  day — in  theology — and  benevolence. 

III.  Writer's  views  of  slavery — caused  by  man's  depravity— no 
remedy  but  Christianity — moral  influence  of  our  national  pros 
perity. — Coronation  of  England's  queen — Dr.  Franklin. 

IV.  Circumstances  in  which  slavery  may  be  a  blessing — theory 
and  practice  of  abolitionists  inconsistent — reference  to  St.  Paul 
— objections  to  holding  slaves. 

V.  Action  and  measures  of  abolitionists,  why  wrong — abolition 
periodicals — Mr.  Garrison — editor   in  New  York — should  be 
judged  charitably. 

VI.  Slaveholders'  ideas  of  abolitionists — why — many  slave-owners 
anxious  to  get  rid  of  slavery — what  abolitionists  ought  to  have 
done — arguments  not  admitted — abolitionists   seriously  ques 
tioned. 

VII.  Abolition  in  District  of  Columbia  opposed — why  1 


"  One  great  principle  which  we  should  lay  down  as  immovably 
true,  is,  that  if  a  good  work  cannot  be  carried  on  by  the  calm, 
self-controlled,  benevolent  spirit  of  Christianity,  then  the  time  for 
doing  it  has  not  come."  CHANGING. 

I.  As  you  had  the  honour  or  dishonour  to  begin 
the  modern  agitation  of  that  great  question,  which 
has  produced  so  much  excitement  in  the  country — 
the  immediate  abolition  of  slavery — it  seems  very 


22  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

proper,  in  taking  a  survey  of  the  subject,  and 
showing  the  bearing  it  has  upon  the  various  sec 
tions  of  the  country,  and  classes  of  the  community, 
to  make  the  first  appeal  to  you.  You  have  declared 
a  war  of  extermination  against  slavery,  and  per 
sisted  in  your  plans  for  accomplishing  its  overthrow, 
with  an  ardour  worthy  of  good  men  in  a  good 
cause.  Whether  your  efforts  will  result  in  the  weal 
or  wo  of  your  country  is  very  problematical.  The 
principal  reason  to  hope  for  the  former,  is,  that 
wiser  and  discreeter  men  may  arise,  to  wield  the 
elements  which  your  zeal  has  put  in  commotion. 
Great  occasions  give  being  and  impulse  to  great 
energies,  but  the  pioneers  of  a  grand  enterprise 
are  seldom  the  men  to  guide  it  to  a  successful  issue. 
In  our  own  history,  the  prudence  and  deliberation 
of  Franklin  and  Washington  directed  the  storm 
which  the  enthusiasm  and  ardour  of  the  Adamses 
and  Henrys  kindled.  Without  such  an  interference 
to  check  your  headlong  impetuousness,  there  is 
little  hope  of  the  future.  If  your  past  action  in 
word  and  deed  is  to  be  the  measure  of  your  future 
progress  and  effort,  then  the  patriot  can  only  rest 
his  hopes  upon  anticipations  of  what  may  be  in  the 
dispensations  of  Infinite  Wisdom  and  Goodness,  be 
yond  the  vision  of  erring  and  short-sighted  mortals. 
As  one  who  claims  an  interest  in  the  welfare  of 
his  country,  not  exceeded  by  your  own — one  who 
possesses  the  same  freedom  of  opinion,  and  right 
of  discussion ; — as  one  having  the  same  stake  in  the 
issue,  and  accountable  to  the  same  tribunals  here 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  23 

and  hereafter — I  take  the  liberty  to  make  such  re 
marks  upon  your  principles  and  measures,  and 
offer  such  views  respecting  their  ultimate  tendency, 
as  reflection  and  experience  have  suggested.  In 
doing  this,  I  shall  use  great  plainness  of  speech  ; 
thus,  in  one  respect  at  least,  following  your  own 
example.  But  be  assured,  I  have  no  sinister 
designs  to  accomplish  ;  no  feelings  of  enmity  to  gra 
tify  ;  and  God  forbid  that  I  should  cast  any  stum- 
blingblock  in  the  way,  to  impede  the  progress  of 
truth,  justice,  and  benevolence. 

I  was  once  a  decided  abolitionist  in  feeling — one 
of  the  "  straitest  sect."  Looking  on  that  side  ex 
clusively,  as  most  of  you  do, — absorbed  in  the  con 
templation  of  the  injustice  and  horrors  of  slavery, 
but  at  the  same  ignorant  of  the  system — I  felt  al 
most  strong  enough,  in  view  of  the  abstract  ques 
tion  of  right  or  wrong,  to  go  forth,  single-handed, 
to  silence  every  opposer,  and  break  the  fetters 
from  every  slave  in  Christendom.  A  greater  work 
than  Clarkson  was  twenty  years  in  accomplishing, 
I  could  have  performed  in  about  as  many  weeks. 
Such  is  the  ardour  of  an  ingenuous  disposition  in 
support  of  an  exclusive  idea,  and  just  such  is  the 
great  body  of  your  members.  They  have  read 
some  abolition  papers ;  heard  perhaps  some  anti- 
slavery  lectures,  and  become  inflamed  with  a  more 
than  patriotic  ardour,  in  defence  of  the  great  doc 
trine  of  human  rights.  Their  arguments  are  very 
summary  and  conclusive.  Slavery  is  wrong ;  there 
fore  every  slaveholder  ought  to  give  his  slaves  instant 


24  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

freedom !  If  his  next  neighbour  does  not  imme 
diately  admit  the  conclusiveness  of  his  reasoning, 
the  abolitionist  marvels  at  his  hardness  of  heart, 
or  obtuseness  of  intellect :  if  the  slaveholder  should 
plead  for  time  to  consider  the  subject  in  view  of 
the  circumstances  in  which  he  is  placed,  I  fear  the 
spirit  of  modern  abolition  would  equal  the  zeal  of 
the  disciples,  in  wishing,  on  a  certain  occasion,  to 
call  down  fire  from  heaven. 

The  writer  was  led  to  serious  reflection,  and 
ultimately  cured  of  his  abolition  enthusiasm,  long 
before  he  ever  saw  a  slave,  by  attending  the  anni 
versaries  of  the  Anti-slavery  and  Colonization  Soci 
eties  in  New  York,  four  or  five  years  ago.  At  the 
meeting  of  the  former,  there  was  considerable 
exultation  manifested,  that  the  latter  was  labouring 
under  great  pecuniary  embarrassment — one  of  the 
speakers  stating  to  the  assembly,  "  We  have  met 
here  to  sound  the  death-knell  of  colonization." 
At  the  meeting  of  the  Colonization  Society  the  day 
following,  some  wit  was  displayed,  and  no  little 
mirth  excited  among  a  very  reverend  auditory,  by 
alluding  to  the  ocular  proof  present,  that  coloni 
zation  was  neither  dead  nor  buried. 

As  a  spectator  the  W7riter  could  not  witness  but 
with  painful  feelings  the  malevolence  of  disposition 
manifested  by  men  claiming  to  be  benevolent ;  nor 
could  he  but  regret,  that  these  two  societies,  having 
the  same  ultimate  object  in  view — the  improvement 
of  the  coloured  race — should  indulge  in  a  bitterness  of 
invective,  not  allowable  even  in  the  fiercest  sectarian 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  25 

polemics.  "  Surely  there  is  field  enough  for  both 
to  labour  without  interfering  with  each  other ;  and 
the  narrow  views  which  engender  strife  and  con 
tention  between  them,  can  only  be  equalled  by 
that  profound  charity  of  ignorant  religionists,  which 
will  not  permit  an  opponent  to  be  in  the  way  to 
heaven,  unless  he  follows  in  the  dim  ray  of  its  own 
little  rushlight." 

The  scenes  above  mentioned  gave  the  writer  un 
favourable  impressions  respecting  the  motives  of 
abolitionists:  since  that,  he  has  seen  something  of 
slavery  in  its  practical  appearance,  and  is  still 
more  unfavourably  impressed  with  regard  to  their 
measures.  But  even  these  are  to  be  judged  with 
great  allowances,  except  so  far  as  they  exert  a 
practical  influence  injurious  to  society,  in  view  of 
the  spirit  of  the  age. 

II.  Ultraism  is  the  order  of  things  at  the  present 
day.  Every  thing  runs  into  excess.  "  A  sober 
man,  who  can  find  !"  The  modern  improvements 
in  the  arts,  and  the  discoveries  in  philosophy  and 
science,  have  given  a  kind  of  intoxicating  impulse 
to  men's  minds ;  and  nothing  short  of  the  velocity 
of  steam  power  is  sufficient  to  fill  their  enlarged 
capacities.  Excited  action  is  the  natural  result  of 
extravagant  speculation;  and  men,  not  satisfied 
with  pitying  the  benighted  state  and  groping  igno 
rance  of  their  fathers,  seem  determined  to  make 
them  appear  more  diminutive  by  powerful  con 
trast.  The  aged  patriarch  who  jogs  along  the 
3 


26  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

road  in  an  ancient  vehicle,  as  his  fathers  did  before 
him,  is  rudely  jostled  by  his  flying  grandchildren, 
who  measure  his  wisdom  and  judgment  by  the 
motion  of  his  wheels. 

Theology  has  partaken  of  this  spirit  in  a  re 
markable  degree.  The  old  land-marks  are  broken 
down  or  neglected,  and  new  avenues  are  laid  out 
to  Bunyan's  "  celestial  city."  .Newlight  reformers 
have  discovered  that  their  plodding  forefathers 
entirely  erred,  in  explaining  the  text  of  that  old 
guide  book  the  Bible ;  and  the  narrow,  up-hill 
path  therein  delineated  has,  in  the  plastic  hands  of 
different  reformers,  been  smoothed  and  M'Adam- 
ized ;  or  made  wide  enough  for  all  to  travel  together. 
The  great  change  to  be  effected  in  man,  may  be 
generally  produced  by  joining  "  our  side ;"  that  is 
the  only  patent  orthodoxy.  The  attentive  observer 
can  almost  hear  the  very  language  of  worldly 
rivalry,  from  these  modern  sectarians — "  this  way, 
sir,  safest  and  cheapest  line,  through  by  daylight." 

Benevolence  has  also  caught  the  same  spirit, 
and  shows  a  determination  to  make  amends  for 
the  sluggish  apathy  of  all  former  generations. 
Let  me  not  be  understood  as  being  opposed  to 
benevolent  enterprize.  Among  the  almost  in 
numerable  societies  for  improving  the  condition 
of  the  human  family,  no  doubt  the  most  of  them 
are  exerting  a  happy  influence.  There  can  be 
no  danger  of  circulating  too  many  Bibles,  or  re 
ligious  tracts,  or  Sunday-school  books ;  nor  of  em 
ploying  too  many  devoted  missionaries.  There  is 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  27 

vice,  and  crime,  and  misery  enough  in  the  world, 
to  employ  all  the  hands,  and  hearts,  and  means, 
which  Christian  charity  can  call  into  action.  But 
there  is  a  great  amount  of  zeal  on  this  subject 
which  is  not  according  to  knowledge.  Among 
the  innumerable  demands  made  on  the  public  for 
its  aid  in  sustaining  charitable  and  benevolent 
operations,  there  is  difficulty  in  deciding  upon  the 
most  worthy  objects.  The  incessant  call  for  giving, 
has  influenced  many  to  withhold  altogether.  And 
there  is  evidently  a  spirit  of  competition  excited 
among  some  societies  for  public  favour,  and  a 
jealousy  of  each  others  success.  But  on  this  sub 
ject,  as  almost  every  other,  enthusiasm  has  far 
outstripped  sober  judgment.  Men's  minds  have  be 
come  so  absorbed  in  the  contemplation  of  existing 
evils,  that  they  seem  incapable  of  adopting  the  best 
mode  of  removing  them. 

This  I  believe  is  true  in  regard  to  the  subject 
of  slavery.  Among  the  great  objects  of  modern 
benevolence,  the  slave  receives,  at  the  present 
moment,  an  unusual  share  of  commiseration.  The 
subject  is  indeed  one  of  unspeakable  interest,  and 
worthy  the  attention  of  every  philanthropist ;  but 
its  very  magnitude  should  teach  us  to  approach  it 
with  caution.  Instead  of  this,  a  numerous  class 
appear  bent  upon  deciding  it  in  a  summary  man 
ner.  The  abolitionists  have  no  idea  of  allowing 
any  circumstances  to  affect  their  belief  or  to 
modify  their  measures.  They  have  seized  hold  of 
this,  with  an  exclusiveness  of  purpose,  as  though 


28  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

it  were  the  only  sin  of  the  age,  and,  in  their  zeal 
for  its  removal,  have  leaped  over  every  consider 
ation  affecting  the  situation  of  those  most  deeply 
interested,  both  masters  and  slaves :  and  their  loud, 
and  unceasing  cry  is,  repent,  repent.  Surely  the 
eyes  which  see  such  grievous  beams  in  others, 
should  be  clear  of  motes ;  and  the  hearts  which 
condemn  such  hardness  should  be  full  of  Christian 
charity  and  meekness.  But  I  fear  the  abolitionists 
are  not  so  guiltless  of  all  sin,  as  to  be  authorized 
to  throw  the  first  stone  at  slaveholders. 

III.  In  making  this  brief  appeal,  I  shall  state 

First,  My  own  views  with  regard  to  slavery ; 
and, 

Secondly,  My  views  respecting  the  plans  and 
measures  of  abolitionists,  and  their  ultimate  ten 
dency. 

Abstractly  considered,  slavery  has  been  proved 
to  be  a  grievous  wrong.  It  would  require  very 
little  reasoning  to  convince  a  free  man  of  common 
intelligence  and  common  uprightness  that  he  pos 
sessed  inherent  rights  and  faculties,  of  which  he 
could  not  be  justly  deprived,  except  by  the  Creator 
who  bestowed  them.  Nor  would  it  be  difficult  to 
prove  to  him,  that  his  fellow-men,  by  whom  he  is 
surrounded,  are  entitled  to  the  same  privileges 
as  himself,  being  given  by  the  same  Author.  The 
equality  of  men  in  essential  things,  in  likeness  of 
physical  organization,  in  the  attributes  of  body  and 
mind,  is  too  evident  to  admit  a  doubt  that  God 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  29 

intended  each  to  be  free  and  happy ;  responsible 
only  to  Him  for  the  possession  and  exercise  of 
those  endowments  and  faculties  which  he  alone 
could  give  or  take  away. 

Were  these  great  principles,  which  lie  at  the 
very  foundation  of  our  theory  of  government,  acted 
upon  by  the  human  family,  there  would  be  no 
crime,  no  misery,  no  tyranny,  no  slavery  in  the 
world,  and  a  community,  whether  large  or  small, 
will  be  individually  and  socially  happy,  and  ap 
proximate  towards  perfection,  just  in  proportion  to 
its  adoption  and  practice  of  these  principles.  But 
alas  !  we  are  speaking  of  principles  which  have 
had  but  a  very  limited  influence  among  men  since 
the  garden  of  Eden  was  deserted ;  and  which  will 
never  prevail  in  the  world,  till  God  regenerates 
our  race. 

It  will  not  probably  be  heresy  in  the  view  of 
abolitionists  to  declare  a  belief  in  that  ancient 
doctrine,  the  fall  of  man  from  his  original  rectitude, 
that  event  which 

"  Brought  death  into  the  world  and  all  our  wo." 

From  that  period  to  the  present,  man,  having 
lost  the  moral  image  of  his  Maker,  has  followed 
the  devices  of  his  own  heart ;  what  these  are, 
the  Bible  will  inform  us :  and  the  history  of  five 
thousand  years  will  attest  the  truth  of  the  re 
cord.  Without  holy  affections,  without  innocence, 
mankind  prefer  the  pleasures  of  sense  to  moral 
obedience.  And  as  God  has  so  ordered,  that  his 
laws  cannot  be  broken  with  impunity,  either  in  the 
3* 


30  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

moral  or  physical  world,  just  so  far  as  men  have 
trampled  upon  the  authority  of  God,  have  they  be 
come  obnoxious  to  the  penalty  of  transgression. 
This  penalty  is  exacted  in  the  moral  world — in  the 
guilty  conscience,  the  shame  of  discovery,  the  fear 
of  punishment  and  of  future  retribution.  In  the 
physical,  it  is  seen  in  the  shape  of  every  evil  that 
"flesh  is  heir  to."  Tyranny  and  oppression,  beastly 
vice,  haggard  poverty,  sickness  and  death,  are  its  un 
erring  results.  God  never  made  a  man  to  be  a  slave, 
neither  did  he  ever  make  one  to  be  sick,  or  poor,  or 
unhappy.  But  sickness  and  poverty  are  the  certain 
consequences  of  the  transgression  of  the  immutable 
laws  of  Providence ;  nor  does  slavery  constitute  an 
exception.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  regular 
action  of  the  functions  of  the  human  system  will 
always  preserve  health :  it  is  only  their  obstruction 
by  intemperance  and  excess  which  produces  disease ; 
and  this  obstruction  when  complete  must  necessa 
rily  end  in  the  premature  dissolution  of  the  body. 
So  in  civil  communities,  did  each  regard  the  great 
laws  of  individual  and  equal  rights,  joined  with  the 
evident  acquirements  of  duty,  to  be  industrious  and 
temperate,  peace  and  happiness  would  universally 
follow.  But  it  is  this  disregard  of  the  order  of 
Providence  which  obstructs  healthy  action  in  so 
ciety,  just  as  in  the  human  system.  Men  are 
very  sagacious  to  discover,  and  very  prompt  to 
assist  their  own  inherent  rights  and  privileges,  but 
the  equal  rights  of  others  are  not  included  in  their 
process  of  reasoning. 

And  the  same  cause  which  makes  the  monarch 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  31 

an  oppressor,  makes  his  servant  a  brute.  Both 
have  cast  off  their  obligations,  and  each  is  pur 
suing  his  self-gratification  in  the  course  most 
agreeable  to  his  condition.  Perhaps  in  the  next 
generation  their  situations  may  be  reversed  :  the 
son  of  the  tyrant  may  be  a  groveling  beast ;  the 
other  an  oppressive  despot.  But  from  the  circum 
stances  of  men  in  most  countries,  comparatively 
few  can  be  lords  or  tyrants.  Wealth,  and  talent, 
and  hereditary  privilege  generally  combine  to  hold 
the  reins  of  power,  but  the  avenues  to  sensual 
gratification  are  open  to  all.  Hence  the  mass  of 
men,  by  indulging  their  propensities  for  such  grati 
fications  as  are  within  their  reach,  have  been  in 
every  age  debased  and  vicious.  The  gradations 
are  many,  but  the  tendency  is  always  downward  ; 
and  vast  numbers  in  every  community  have  ever 
been  at  the  bottom  of  the  scale.  They  have 
yielded  every  sentiment  of  honour  and  humanity  to 
the  inexorable  demands  of  a  brutalizing  lust;  have 
suffered  the  fire  of  heaven  to  be  extinguished  in 
their  bosoms,  or  given  themselves  over,  self-bound, 
to  be  beasts  of  burden.  In  elevating  the  scale  of 
human  character  from  cannibalism  to  civilization 
and  Christianity,  there  is  a  stronger  assertion  of 
national  right  and  individual  thought;  but  even  at 
the  highest  point  yet  attained,  the  structure  of  so 
ciety  is  like  the  feet  of  the  image  in  Nebuchad 
nezzar's  vision,  part  of  iron  and  part  of  clay. 

In  this  highly  favoured  country — if  a  digression 
from  the  subject  may  be  allowed — the  community 


32  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

appear  to  be  intoxicated  with  the  idea  that  the 
golden  age  is  returning;  when  liberty  and  equal 
rights,  emanating  from  this  union  as  a  centre,  will 
overspread  the  world.  I  invoke  the  blessing  of 
Heaven,  that  this  feeling,  so  extensively  pervading 
the  public  mind,  may  not  prove  to  be  a  mere  fit  of 
intoxication,  and  nothing  more  nor  worse.  But 
let  us  not  be  deceived.  I  fear  we  are  anticipating 
the  most  important  effects,  from  very  inadequate 
causes — looking  for  good  fruit  from  an  evil  tree. 
As  a  nation,  although  but  just  emerged  from 
childhood,  we  have  made  some  progress  in  the 
arts,  some  in  science,  much  in  improvements  of 
practical  utility ;  and  are  perhaps  in  advance  of 
all  others  in  the  freedom  of  our  constitution.  But 
we  are  as  yet  scarcely  on  the  threshold  of  civil 
liberty.  Unless  we  enter  far  enough  to  see  the 
beauty  and  glory  of  the  inner  temple,  our  worship 
will  be  confined  merely,  as  it  has  been  in  all  ages, 
to  the  dazzling  exterior.  There  is  a  charm  which 
captivates,  in  the  sound  of  liberty ;  but  unless  it 
has  its  seat  in  the  heart  of  pure  moral  affections, 
its  exercise  cannot  be  depended  on  for  guiding  its 
possessor  aright,  or  for  exerting  a  salutary  influ 
ence  upon  others. 

Nothing  but  the  spirit  of  Christianity  can  elevate 
us  as  a  people.  No  man  but  a  Christian  can  be  a 
true  republican,  in  the  highest  and  best  sense  of  the 
term.  Of  freedom  of  opinion  and  action  wre  have 
enough,  more  perhaps  than  the  mass  of  men  (liable 
as  they  are  to  be  swayed  by  corrupt  and  unprin- 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  33 

cipled  partizans)  know  how  to  exercise  to  advan 
tage;  and  unless  our  moral  improvement  advances 
in  the  front  rank  of  our  social  progress,  the  liberty 
to  do  wrong  will  eventually  overcome  the  dispo 
sition  to  do  right.  Could  the  arts  have  regenerated 
the  world,  it  would  not  be  in  so  deplorable  a  con 
dition;  for  it  is  a  question  even  now,  whether 
Egypt,  three  thousand  years  ago,  was  not  our 
superior.  Could  literature  have  done  it,  then  the 
Augustan  Age  had  stayed  that  long  night  of  dark 
ness  which  overspread  twelve  centuries  of  our  era. 
And  of  science,  it  will  not  be  too  much  to  say,  that 
it  has  been  always  harnessed  to  the  car  of  ambi 
tion,  and  its  highest  attainments  oftener  exerted  for 
the  destruction  than  the  welfare  of  man. 

Intelligence  without  piety  is  like  the  giant  in  the 
fable,  strong  and  blind,  more  likely  to  do  evil  than 
good.  An  intellect  that  could  measure  the  universe, 
would  not  promote  the  best  interests  of  man,  with 
out  being  guided  by  a  sense  of  moral  obligation. 
Political  economists  and  philosophers,  reasoning 
ct  priori,  have  concluded  that  there  is  necessarily  a 
period  of  advancement,  of  elevation,  and  decline  in 
national  affairs.  Because  Egypt,  and  Assyria,  and 
Rome,  rose,  and  reigned,  and  declined,  therefore 
all  nations  must.  Such  a  doctrine  is  a  libel  on  the 
divine  character ;  a  stretch  of  assumption  which 
even  infidelity  has  hardly  dared  to  make.  It  is 
mere  fatalism — an  adoption  of  one  of  the  grossest 
sentiments  of  heathen  mythology,  that  the  fates  are 
above  the  gods  themselves.  Such  a  doctrine 


34  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

teaches  but  one  thing  conclusively ;  and  that,  some 
of  its  advocates  would  abhor,  viz.,  the  entire  de 
pravity  of  man.  That  communities  and  nations 
have  not  continued  to  rise  and  flourish,  the  history 
of  the  past  is  a  melancholy  proof:  but  to  say  they 
cannot,  is  to  question  the  sincerity,  authority,  and 
power  of  Jehovah,  in  his  warnings,  exhortations, 
and  promises  to  the  Israelites  in  the  Mosaic  record. 
In  pursuing  these  reflections  a  little  further, 
suffer  me  to  inquire,  what  is  the  ultimate  object  of 
all  our  toil?  what  the  glittering  prize,  which  en 
larges  our  organs  of  vision  ?  What  the  great  idol 
on  whose  altar  the  whole  community  is  mad  1  Is 
it  any  thing  higher  than  lofty  conceptions  of  indi 
vidual  and  national  aggrandizement?  Whence  is 
the  loud  boast  of  our  commerce,  our  manufactures, 
our  internal  resources,  our  rail-roads  and  canals? 
Is  it  any  thing  more  than  the  flattering  belief  that 
these  will  elevate  us  in  power  and  grandeur  above 
the  nations  ?  Without  suitable  acknowledgments  of 
the  Divine  sovereignty,  and  a  heartfelt  conviction 
of  our  dependence,  and  obligations  to  Him,  as  our 
constant  benefactor;  the  blessings  which  are  poured 
into  our  lap  without  measure,  will  only  enlarge  our 
ability,  and  increase  our  dispositions  to  do  evil. 
We  have  the  Bible  in  proof,  "  The  love  of  money 
is  the  root  of  all  evil."  Was  there  ever  a  people 
whose  entire  energies  were  so  devotedly  conse 
crated  to  the  acquisition  of  gain,  as  ours?  And 
there  is  greater  cause  for  apprehension  in  the  fact, 
that  religion  has,  to  a  great  extent,  caught  the 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  35 

spirit,  and  appears  ambitious  to  follow  the  maxims, 
and  keep  up  with  the  improvements  of  the  world. 
Her  temples  are  crowded — her  votaries  innumer 
able;  for  the  profession  is  in  honor.  Who  are 
indeed  striving  for  "  a  crown  of  glory  that  fadeth 
not  away"  will  only  be  known,  when  the  Son  of 
God  shall  come  to  claim  his  jewels.  Heaven  will 
not  lack  inhabitants,  if  it  be  as  easy  to  join  the 
church  triumphant  as  to  get  into  the  church  (mis 
called)  militant. 

Still,  there  is  hope  of  our  country,  in  the  diffu 
sion  of  the  means  of  light — in  the  spread  of  the 
Bible — in  the  sacrifices  for  missions — in  the  exten 
sion  of  Sunday-schools,  and  more  in  that  unobtru 
sive  piety,  which  seeks  out  the  objects  of  its 
benevolence  among  the  wretched,  and  mingles  its 
prayers  and  tears  with  the  neglected  outcast,  un 
known  to  the  world ;  leaving  its  reward  to  "  the 
resurrection  of  the  just."  I  would  rather  rest  the 
welfare  and  safety  of  my  country,  on  the  interces 
sions  of  one  such  soul,  than  on  the  valor  of  the 
mightiest  captain.  Ten  such  souls  would  have 
saved  Sodom.  A  nation  of  such  would  convert 
the  wrorld. 

It  was  a  beautiful  emblem  of  the  ancient  Greeks 
in  lighting  their  altar  fires  from  the  sun.  The 
offering  of  common  fire  was  unworthy  the  deity 
they  invoked.  They  undoubtedly  borrowed  the 
idea  from  the  Israelites,  whose  altars  were  some 
times  kindled  by  fire  miraculously  descended  :  but 
although  they  had  lost  the  knowledge  of  the  true 


36  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

God,  they  kept  up  the  allusion  in  drawing  fire  from 
the  principal  object  of  his  visible  creation.  In  pro 
portion  to  the  number  of  hearts,  which  are  daily 
kindled  with  fire  from  heaven,  will  our  country 
obtain  the  protection  and  blessing  of  Infinite  bene 
volence. 

I  will  close  this  digression,  by  referring  to  a  fact 
of  recent  occurrence,  which  has  been  a  subject  of 
serious  reflection,  from  its  contrast  with  parallel 
scenes  in  our  own  country.  I  allude  to  the  late 
crowning  of  the  Queen  of  England.  In  view  of 
the  wealth  and  power  of  the  British  empire,  the 
splendor  and  talent  of  the  embassies  which  came 
to  do  it  honour,  it  was  perhaps  the  grandest  and 
most  magnificent  pageant  which  the  world  ever 
witnessed.  But  the  fact  to  which  the  attention  of 
the  reader  is  directed,  is  the  religious,  yea,  devo 
tional  spirit  of  the  august  ceremonies.  The  high 
priest  of  all  England  appears  to  have  been  the 
second  personage  in  the  scale  of  attractions  on 
that  solemn  occasion.  The  sacred  anthems,  the 
services  of  the  church,  the  offerings,  the  presence 
of  the  Bible,  and  the  distinct  acknowledgment  of 
its  Author,  as  the  source  whence  "  kings  reign  and 
princes  decree  justice,'*  presented  a  spectacle 
worthy  of  a  Christian  nation,  and  which  cannot 
but  have  a  happy  influence  upon  its  morals  and 
institutions.  Would  that  our  republican  legislators 
might  so  far  overcome  their  patriotic  horror  of  the 
union  of  church  and  state,  as  at  least  in  their  public 
ceremonies  of  national  interest  to  acknowledge  the 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  37 

sovereignty  and  beneficence  of  the  Supreme  Go 
vernor  of  the  universe,  and  give  pious  hearts  in 
their  vast  assemblies  an  opportunity  and  an  impulse 
to  invoke  the  blessings  of  God  upon  their  public 
servants  and  their  own  beloved  country. 

There  is  indeed  one  event  in  our  own  history, 
which  will  be  remembered  as  an  instance  of  the 
moral  sublime,  and  one  on  which  a  good  man  can 
not  reflect  without  the  keenest  emotion.  It  was 
when  Franklin  arose  in  the  Congress  which  adopted 
our  constitution,  and  acknowledged  there  was  a 
God  who  ruled  in  the  affairs  of  men,  and  proposed 
that  prayers  be  daily  offered,  for  His  wisdom  and 
guidance  through  the  angry  and  stormy  strife 
which  impeded  all  their  deliberations.  I  am  not 
aware  that  Franklin  was  a  professor  of  religion ; 
but  this  act  of  his  will  increase  the  veneration  for 
his  character  and  services  among  the  good  and 
wise  of  his  countrymen  in  all  generations. 

IV.  To  return  from  this  digression  to  the  ques 
tion  of  slavery. 

If  the  view  we  have  taken  of  the  moral  state  of 
man  be  correct — if  the  tendency  of  human  nature, 
when  left  to  itself,  is  headlong  downward — then 
slavery,  by  arresting  the  progress  of  man  in  his 
brutalizing  course,  may  prove  a  blessing.  For  this 
reason,  God  has  permitted  slavery,  probably,  to 
avoid  a  greater  evil.  On  this  principle  can  I  ac 
count  for  the  plain  declarations  of  scripture  in  the 
4 


38  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

Old  Testament.  I  know  not  how  a  proposition 
can  be  expressed  more  plainly  in  words,  than  the 
permission  given  the  Israelites  to  hold  slaves. 
Lev.  xxv.  44-46.  This  is  more  than  mere  permis 
sion,  it  is  authority;  and  the  reason  for  it  is  plain, 
on  the  principle  I  have  assumed.  Of  the  heathen 
round  about  them,  the  Israelites  might  buy  servants 
to  serve  them  for  ever.  The  moral  and  physical 
condition  of  such  persons  would  be  greatly  im 
proved  as  slaves  to  the  Israelites;  in  comparison 
with  their  lot  as  heathen,  sunk  in  the  grossest 
idolatry  and  brutality. 

And  on  this  principle,  I  understand  the  curse 
pronounced  upon  Ham,  Gen.  ix.  25-27 ;  not  that 
it  was  for  ever  absolute  and  irreversible  ;  but  that 
Ham  was  so  debased  and  prone  to  vice — his  very 
affections  were  so  given  up  to  the  greedy  pursuit 
of  sinful  indulgence — that  servitude  to  his  brethren 
would  be  the  means  of  restraining  him  and  his 
posterity  from  the  lowest  depth  of  wretchedness. 

And  nowhere  in  the  Bible  is  the  possession  of 
slaves  prohibited.  I  know  it  is  contended,  that  the 
great  law  of  loving  our  neighbour  as  ourself  utterly 
condemns  it.  There  can  be  no  doubt  among  good 
men,  that  when  the  principles  of  this  law  prevail 
in  the  world,  there  will  be  no  slavery.  But  I  can 
not  find  any  example  or  authority  in  sacred  history, 
for  agitating  its  overthrow  ;  except  by  such  a  dif 
fusion  of  the  light  of  the  Gospel,  as  shall  naturally 
produce  its  extinction.  It  is  evidently  left  by  the 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

Saviour  and  apostles  as  an  evil  appertaining  to  the 
present  state  of  man,  to  be  overthrown  by  the 
gradual  adoption  of  the  principles  of  Christianity. 
In  illustration  of  this  it  may  be  remarked,  that 
there  was  probably  never  a  people  in  a  state  of 
greater  moral  delinquency,  than  the  Jews  in  the 
time  of  our  Saviour.  Slavery  among  them,  and 
among  their  masters  the  Romans,  was  a  cup  of 
unmingled  bitterness.  The  slaves  of  that  period 
drank  it  to  the  dregs.  And  yet  Jesus  Christ  did  not 
preach  insurrection  or  insubordination  to  the  slave, 
nor  condemn  the  owner  for  possessing  them.  It 
was  no  part  of  his  mission  to  change  the  institu 
tions  of  society  by  a  miracle.  He  did  not  inter 
fere  with  established  usages  and  customs.  He 
admitted  the  order  of  society  as  he  found  it.  "  Ren 
der  unto  Cesar  the  things  that  are  Cesars."  The 
great  principles  of  morals  he  inculcated,  when 
adopted  by  an  individual,  will  teach  him  the  love 
of  God  and  man;  when  adopted  by  a  community, 
will  overthrow  every  evil  which  that  community 
has  cherished  or  practised.  It  was  his  object  to 
make  the  tree  good ;  not  by  a  miracle  to  produce  good 
fruit  from  an  evil  tree.  Of  what  advantage  would 
it  have  been  to  mankind,  had  he  freed  the  slaves, 
without  giving  them  and  their  masters  new  mo 
tives  of  action  ?  On  this  point  it  appears  to  me, 
the  abolitionists  greatly  err,  in  pressing  the  im 
mediate  and  unconditional  emancipation  of  the 
slaves  in  our  country,  without  considering  the  con- 


40  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

sequences  which  would  result  to  masters  and  ser 
vants  from  such  an  act.* 

Again,  this  rule  of  doing  to  others  what  we 
would  have  them  do  to  us,  was  never  taken  in  its 
broadest  literal  signification.  Such  a  construction 
is  not  sustained  by  the  Bible,  nor  the  institutions  of 
the  wisest  men.  In  the  present  moral  state  of  the 
world,  it  would  lead  at  once  to  the  dissolution  of 
society.  Its  legitimate  effect  would  be  an  agrarian 
division  of  property,  and  another  subdivision,  as 
soon  as  the  improvident  and  vicious  had  wasted 
their  dividend.  The  abolitionists  will  contend  that 
by  this  rule  the  master  ought  to  treat  his  slaves  as 
his  children.  But  who  ever  did  it  ?  who  ever  re 
quired  it?  They  will  not  certainly  object  to  be 
judged  by  their  works.  Are  their  servants  on  an 
equality  with  their  children?  Do  they  eat,  and 
drink,  and  sleep  with  them,  as  with  their  children — 
send  them  to  the  same  schools — occupy  the  same 
seats  in  the  church — use  the  same  means  to  train 
them  up?  Do  they  alternately  send  their  daugh 
ters  into  the  kitchen,  and  bring  their  maid  servants 
into  the  parlour  to  acquire  polite  accomplishments  ? 
"  Consistency  is  a  jewel."  Have  they  first  cast 
the  motes  out  of  their  own  eyes  ?  Their  practice 
in  the  circumstances  above  mentioned  is  sufficient 
proof  that  they  do  not  regard  the  exhortation  of 
the  apostle,  "  masters,  give  to  your  servants  that 
which  is  just  and  equal,"  as  a  command  to  make 

*  The  reader  is  referred  to  the  writer's  views  on  this  sub 
ject  more  fully  in  another  part  of  this  work, — Appeal  to  the 
Free  States. 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  41 

them  equals.  If  the  inspired  writer  had  intended 
to  make  them  free  by  this  injunction,  he  would  not 
have  used  the  term  servants,  which  implies  subjec 
tion. 

Subordination  and  gradation  prevail  throughout 
the  world, — and  they  will  forever.  I  speak  it  with 
reverence,  they  prevail  in  heaven.  The  creation 
of  different  orders  of  intelligence  requires  it :  and 
this  is  perfectly  consistent  with  the  moral  govern 
ment  of  God.  In  a  state  of  unmingled  joy  and 
happiness,  every  being  will  enjoy  the  blessing  to 
the  extent  of  his  capacity,  but  the  capacities  of  all 
will  not  be  equal. 

Again,  to  refer  to  the  doctrines  and  example  of 
the  New  Testament  on  this  subject,  I  can  but  wish 
our  modern  abolitionists  would  drink  in  more  of  the 
spirit,  and  copy  more  the  example  of  St.  Paul. 
We  read  that  on  one  occasion,  "  his  spirit  was 
stirred  within  him  when  he  saw  the  city  wholly 
given  to  idolatry."  That  city  was  as  full  of  slavery 
as  of  idolatry ;  but  we  do  not  read  of  any  denun 
ciations  against  it  in  the  language  and  spirit  of 
modern  abolitionism.  He  even  did  not  rail  and 
scoff  at  their  idolatry.  Did  Paul  in  his  epistles 
teach  servants  that  insubordination,  or  obedience, 
was  well-pleasing  unto  God  ?  Did  he  exhort  mas 
ters  to  treat  their  slaves  in  view  of  an  accountability 
hereafter,  and  in  the  fear  of  God  ?  or  did  he  de 
nounce  them  as  deserving  of  utter  wrath  for  the 
mere  act?  Did  he  teach  submission  or  rebellion 
to  the  laws? — even  of  tyrants.  Did  he  bring 


42  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

railing  accusations  against  those  who  opposed 
him  ? — or  was  he  content  to  say  "  the  Lord  reward 
him  according  to  his  works'?"  Did  he  assist  and 
secrete  runaway  slaves  ? — or  return  such  to  their 
Christian  masters  ?  What  was  his  course  in  the 
vineyard  of  his  Lord,  in  the  midst  of  a  most  un 
godly  generation — but  one  of  meekness,  forbear 
ance,  patience,  prayers,  and  tears!  These  are 
evidences,  known  and  read  of  all  men,  of  the  spirit 
and  power  of  Christianity,  for  they  are  qualities 
and  virtues  which  do  not  flourish  in  the  hearts,  nor 
show  themselves  in  the  practices  of  the  world. 

On  the  principles  heretofore  mentioned,  I  hold 
the  doctrine  of  slavery.  I  believe  the  sin  to  be  in 
the  abuse,  rather  than  the  use  of  slaves.  1  cannot 
think  of  any  circumstances  in  which  I  would  pur 
chase  a  slave — except  to  manumit  him  ;  but  have 
no  hesitation  in  declaring  my  conviction,  that 
should  slaves  fall  into  my  hands  by  marriage,  inhe 
ritance,  or  otherwise,  I  might  possess  them,  and  so 
discharge  my  duty  towards  them,  as  to  avoid  con 
demnation  of  heaven.  On  this  point,  I  have  no 
doubt ;  but  may  God  spare  me  the  trial.  It  is  a 
fearful  responsibility  to  have  one's  temporal  and 
eternal  destiny  put  into  his  own  hands  :  who,  then, 
is  sufficient  to  incur  that  of  many  others  in  addition 
to  his  own  ?  I  should  fear  the  result,  when  my 
principles  and  self-interest  were  at  strife,  over  a 
rational,  immortal  being  like  myself,  and  his  welfare 
was  the  stake.  His  moral  accountability,  his  life 
and  health,  his  riches  and  poverty,  his  virtue  and 
vice,  his  ignorance  and  knowledge,  would  be  so 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  43 

much  under  my  control,  that  on  my  head  must 
rest  a  fearful  obligation. 

But  there  is  another  objection  which,  as  an  in 
dividual,  I  should  plead  against  holding  slaves ;  and 
which,  although  of  an  entirely  different  character 
from  the  one  just  mentioned,  would  be  conclusive, 
viz.,  their  comparative  worthlessness  as  laborers. 
Except  in  a  country  where  Divine  Providence  has 
poured  out  its  bounty  upon  the  soil  with  an  un 
sparing  hand,  they  are  not  profitable.  On  a  sterile 
or  exhausted  soil  they  are  a  moth,  scarcely  pro 
ducing  their  living.  If  this  fact  is  an  argument 
against  slavery,  so  be  it :  it  is  no  part  of  my  design 
to  shield  it  from  fair  and  close  investigation. 

Before  leaving  this  part  of  the  subject  I  wish  to 
anticipate  a  question,  which  many  readers  may 
wish  to  propose, — "  Admitting  the  correctness  of 
your  views  respecting  slavery,  would  it  not  be  more 
consistent  with  our  professions,  as  a  moral,  benevo 
lent  people,  to  endeavour  to  teach  and  elevate  the 
poor  and  degraded,  rather  than  by  consigning  them 
to  bondage,  merely  coerce  them  into  a  state  of 
negative  goodness?"  Certainly.  No  man  who  has 
the  most  distant  pretension  to  Christian  character, 
can  hesitate  to  decide  this  point.  But  the  question, 
in  this  form,  does  not  apply  to  our  subject.  We 
are  not  to  consider  the  propriety,  expediency,  or 
sinfulness  of  adopting  certain  measures ;  but  the 
influence  of  measures  which  have  been  adopted* 
and  incorporated  into  society  for  generations. 
The  difference  is  as  great,  I  apprehend,  as  between 


44  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

deciding  whether  a  certain  regimen  if  adopted,  will 
injure  a  man's  health  ;  and  the  best  method  of 
counteracting  the  effects  of  that  regimen  upon  the 
system,  after  it  has  been  practised  for  years,  and 
found  to  be  pernicious. 

V.  I  purpose  to  make  some  remarks  upon  the 
plans  and  measures  of  abolitionists. 

And,  first,  it  appears  almost  evident,  that  a  con 
viction  must  force  itself  upon  the  minds  of  sober 
reflecting  men,  who  have  taken  an  interest,  in  this 
controversy,  that  the  abolitionists  have  not  fol 
lowed  the  Christian  rule  laid  down  by  the  Saviour, 
Matt,  xviii.  15,  nor  the  golden  rule,  of  doing  as  they 
would  have  others  do  to  them.  On  the  abstract 
question  of  right  and  wrong,  they  commenced  a 
most  violent  attack  upon  slaveholders  indiscrimi 
nately  ;  denouncing  them  all  as  guilty  of  a  most 
horrible,  unnatural  crime ;  and  with  an  assurance 
unbecoming  fallible  men,  anticipating  the  extreme 
judgments  of  Heaven.  And  then,  for  accomplishing 
its  overthrow,  they  took  a  step,  for  the  wisdom  of 
which  the  history  of  the  world  can  not  furnish  a 
parallel.  That  step  was,  the  sending  of  these 
bitter,  indiscriminate  denunciations  all  over  the 
South,  hurling  their  direful  anathemas  in  the  face 
of  a  community,  which  neither  acknowledged  their 
right  to  judge,  nor  the  correctness  of  their  as 
sumptions. 

2d.  As  an  appendage  to  these  denunciations, 
they  held  up  slavery  as  a  monster  of  cruelty,  and 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  45 

impurity,  and  oppression  ;  virtually  saying  to  every 
slaveholder  who  received  one  of  these  inflamma 
tory  papers,  "  thou  art  the  man."  Can  it  be  won 
dered  at,  if  the  whole  South  was  instantly  in  a 
blaze.  For  my  own  part,  I  am  only  surprised, 
that  the  utterance  of  southern  feeling  and  indigna 
tion  was  not  more  outrageous.  The  unanimity  of 
the  South,  in  repelling  these  attacks,  and  throwing 
back  these  denunciations  is  without  a  parallel. 
Not  only  the  slaveholder  from  principle,  but  the 
thousands  who  were  anxiously  looking  for  some 
way  to  abolish  it,  all  united  in  resisting  this  wanton 
attack.  Even  now,  in  the  national  and  state  legis 
latures,  every  question  is  viewed  by  southern  men 
with  regard  to  the  bearing  it  has  upon  immediate 
abolition. 

In  another  respect  the  action  of  abolitionists  has 
been  contrary  to  every  principle  of  justice,  recti 
tude,  and  fairness.  As  a  body  they  know  com 
paratively  nothing  of  practical  slavery,  and  yet 
they  continually  denounce  it  for  its  cruelty.  They 
have  seized  hold  of  individual  instances  of  great 
tyranny  and  personal  oppression,  and  charge  the 
crime  upon  the  whole  community.  This  is  mani 
festly  unjust.  By  the  same  rule  every  denomina 
tion  of  Christians — yea,  Christianity  itself — might. 
be  condemned.  Probably  not  one  person  in  a  hun 
dred  who  has  subscribed  tto  abolition  societies 
and  petitions,  has  ever  been  in  a  slave  state.  Their 
information  is  derived,  in  a  great  measure,  from 
travelers  and  transient  residents — many  of  whose 


46  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

statements  are  of  an  exparte  character,  and  of 
whom  comparatively  few  had  sufficient  opportuni 
ties,  or  took  sufficient  interest  in  the  subject,  to 
judge  it  fairly  or  comprehensively.  The  inhabi 
tants  of  the  free  states,  who  have  never  been  at 
the  South,  can  form  no  more  definite  ideas  of  the 
practical  operation  of  slavery,  than  they  can  of  the 
face  of  a  country,  from  the  description  of  a  tra 
veler.  The  traveler  will  show  you  a  hill  here,  and 
a  valley  there,  but.  of  the  numberless  inequalities  of 
surface,  a  single  view  will  give  you  a  correcter 
idea,  than  a  hundred  pages  of  description.  So  on 
this  subject,  it  is  impossible  to  form  a  comprehen 
sive  view  of  the  detail  of  slavery,  without  actual 
inspection.  The  writer  had  conversed  with,  and 
questioned  hundreds  respecting  it,  but  two  days' 
actual  observation  gave  him  altogether  a  clearer 
view  of  the  system  of  what  slavery  is,  than  the 
answers  to  a  thousand  questions. 

Another  measure  of  abolitionists,  which  has  been 
the  cause  of  much  excitement,  was  the  invitation 
and  cordial  reception  given  to  a  foreign  emissary 
to  denounce  slavery,  at  the  North.  This  excited 
feelings  of  great  irritation  at  the  South,  as  it  did 
feelings  of  humiliation  among  the  majority  in  the 
free  states.  It  was  in  effect  declaring  that  Ameri 
cans  were  not  capable  of  managing  their  own 
domestic  concerns,  without  foreign  interference. 
Had  this  missionary  gone  to  the  South,  as  the  ap 
propriate  field  of  his  labours,  it  would  have  been 
in  character ;  but  his  moral  courage  could  not  have 


. 

TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  47 

been  of  a  very  high  order,  to  shoot  his  artillery  from 
behind  a  barrier,  and  fear  to  meet  his  opponents 
face  to  face.  The  views  of  the  writer  at  that 
period  were  inclined  to  favour  abolition,  but  as  an 
American  he  heartily  rejoiced  that  this  intermed 
dling  philanthropist  was  driven  from  the  country  by 
the  force  of  public  sentiment,  without  personal 
injury. 

Again,  the  resolutions  introduced  and  carried, 
and  the  speeches  delivered  at  abolition  meetings, 
are  frequently  characterized  by  illiberality ;  full  of 
violent  and  bitter  denunciation  against  the  whole 
South,  without  respect  to  age,  sex,  or  character. 
If  we  are  to  believe  some  of  them,  the  ministers 
of  the  slaveholding  states  are  more  deserving  the 
Penitentiary  than  the  pulpit.  Such  wholesale  ma 
ledictions  are  a  source  of  constant  irritation,  excit 
ing  deep  feelings  of  prejudice  and  animosity  at  the 
South,  and  they  retard  the  progress  of  true  bene 
volence. 

In  connexion  with  this  may  be  mentioned  the 
abolition  periodicals.  I  regret  to  say  they  are  far, 
immeasurably,  below  that  standard  of  Christian 
forbearance  and  moderation,  which  should  charac 
terize  the  discussion  of  so  important  a  subject. 
They  have  descended  from  that  elevation  which 
should  ever  be  sustained  in  pleading  the  cause  of 
humanity  and  philanthropy,  to  wallow  in  the  dirty 
waters  of  malevolence  and  abuse.  A  good  cause 
never  requires  the  aid — is  never  promoted  by  the 
use — of  opprobrious  language.  "  Soft  words  and 


48  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

hard  arguments"  is  the  maxim  of  Christianity  ;  not 
feeble  arguments  in  harsh  words.  It  seems  almost 
impossible  for  a  paragraph  writer  on  the  abolition 
side,  not  to  get  into  a  passion,  and  to  scatter  fire 
brands  on  all  sides  of  him.  Not  satisfied  with 
depicting  scenes  of  inhuman  cruelty  and  oppression 
which  he  never  witnessed,  he  pours  vials  of  worm 
wood  and  gall  upon  a  whole  community. 

Among  these  periodicals  the  "  Liberator"  de 
serves  notice,  as  being  the  oldest ;  the  great 
pioneer  of  anti-slavery.  I  never  read  it  except  as 
accident  threw  it  in  my  way ;  but  it  will  be  safe 
to  assert,  that  I  never  saw  a  copy,  which  did  not 
contain  sentences  and  epithets,  which  Christianity 
would  blush  to  own.  One  of  these  papers,  the  only 
one  seen  for  a  year,  now  lies  before  me.  I  will 
copy  a  few  sentences  in  proof  of  the  statement 
above.  The  writer  is  speaking  of  some  coloniza- 
tionist  in  New  Jersey.  It  ought  to  be  stated,  how 
ever,  that  this  communication  is  not  original  in 
the  Liberator,  but  adopted  from  another  paper. 

"  One  Honourable  persecuting  inquisitor,  who 
has  more  presumption  than  brains,  already  in  a 
certain  neighbourhood,  has  done  more  mischief, 
and  created  more  prejudice  against  the  poor  un 
offending  coloured  people,  and  thrown  more  diffi 
culties  in  their  way,  than  his  body  hung  upon 
pitch-forks  could  atone  for  in  purgatory,  in  a 
thousand  generations.  Contemptible  wretch !  Is 
it  not  enough  that  coloured  men  are  already  sought 
out  and  abused  by  every  vagabond  in  the  land, 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS,  49 

through  colonization  instrumentality  ?  will  this  gray- 
headed  totterer  upon  the  brink  of  the  grave  and  of 
eternity,  fill  up  the  measure  of  his  iniquity  by 
becoming  more  notorious  for  cruelty  and  wicked 
ness  than  Satan  himself?" 

I  will  leave  this  extract,  with  the  single  observa 
tion,  that  I  have  entirely  mistaken  the  character  of 
the  people  in  JNew  England,  if  they  sustain  a  cause 
which  is  supported  by  such  language,  and  such  a 
temper  as  the  above. 

It  is  with  no  pleasure  these  references  are  made 
to  the  Liberator.  For  the  writer  had  formed  a  high 
opinion  of  Mr.  Garrison — tinctured  no  doubt  with 
boyish  enthusiasm — from  an  anecdote  which  is 
current  in  some  parts  of  the  North.  It  is  this : — His 
mother  consecrated  him  to  the  work  of  slave 
emancipation  from  childhood ;  instilled  into  his 
youthful  bosom  a  horror  of  the  practice ;  and 
charged  him  to  prosecute  its  abolition,  as  the  great 
purpose  of  his  earthly  being.  The  writer  disclaims 
all  intention  of  injuring  any  person  by  relating  this 
anecdote,  nor  does  he  indorse  its  correctness. 
Even  if  it  be  true,  it  will  not  be  believed  that  Mr. 
Garrison  imbibed  the  gall  and  bitterness  of  his 
paper  from  such  a  source ;  and  perhaps  there  are 
palliating  circumstances  in  the  fact,  that  he  has 
been  publicly  denounced  as  an  incendiary,  and  a 
reward  offered  for  his  apprehension  and  delivery 
to  the  South.  But  a  man  who  places  himself  in 
the  front  rank  in  a  great  moral  enterprize,  must 
not  only  forego  all  stipulations  affecting  his  personal 


50  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

destiny,  but  should  bear  himself  above  the  petty 
strife  and  clamor  of  the  multitude.  It  is  painful 
to  reflect,  that  in  a  man  of  his  talents  and  influence, 
the  "  milk  of  human  kindness"  should  so  soon  be 
dried  up,  or  that  he  should  ever  be  girded  with 
other  armour  than  that  which  becomes  a  Christian 
philanthropist. 

And  the  abolition  periodicals  abound  in  such  Chris 
tian  sentiments.  1  will  instance  one  more — from  a 
reverend  editor  in  New  York : — "  Truly,  we  believe 
the  destiny  of  the  most  abhorred  beings  that  ever 
lived  on  earth,  will  be  mild  compared  with  the  repro 
bation  that  awaits  the  clerical  defenders  of  American 
slavery."  Then  perdition  unavoidably  awaits  nine 
tenths  of  the  ministers  of  all  denominations  south 
of  the  Potomac  and  Ohio.  And  oh !  such  an  ag 
gravated  doom !  The  writer  has  some  clerical 
acquaintance  in  the  slave  states,  who  he  had  no  doubt 
— until  this  malediction  appeared — would  be  found 
worthy  to  walk  the  streets  of  the  New  Jerusalem ; 
and  even  now  he  will  continue  to  hope,  reflecting 
with  respect  to  these  men  in  the  spirit  of  a  royal 
and  a  grievous  sinner  of  old,  who  in  the  depth  of 
his  penitence  said,  "  who  can  tell  ?" 

But  the  above,  and  similar  expressions  from  the 
same  paper,  should  be  read  with  great  allowances  ; 
for  the  writer  can  bear  witness  that  this  same 
reverend  editor  .is  a  very  serious,  conscientious, 
estimable  man,  except  when  he  is  seized  with  these 
terrible  ague-fits  of  immediate  abolition.  He  is 
indeed,  upon  the  whole,  a  very  fair  reasoner  on 
the  subject  of  slavery  ;  but  occasionally,  after  pre- 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  51 

paring  a  very  palatable  dish,  even  for  his  opponents, 
he  will,  in  one  of  these  paroxysms,  dash  in  worm 
wood  enough  to  nauseate  even  his  friends. 

O 

The  writer  would  suggest  in  the  kindest  manner 
to  this  reverend  editor  to  commence  a  series  of 
essays  on  charity,  founded  upon  the  thirteenth 
chapter  of  First  Corinthians.  By  keeping  the  ske 
leton  in  the  drawer  of  his  editorial  table,  where  he 
could  seize  it  in  a  moment,  and  employ  a  half  hour 
in  filling  it  up,  when  he  felt  one  of  these  wormwood 
fits  coming  on,  it  might  greatly  promote  the  cause 
of  rational  abolition. 

There  is  one  feature  in  many  of  the  productions 
of  abolitionists  to  which  1  would  seriously  call 
their  attention,  as  it  is  evidently  proof  either  of  an 
unusual  degree  of  human  frailty  or  of  superhuman 
knowledge.  They  are  very  much  inclined  to  ex 
tend  their  denunciations  beyond  the  limits  of  time, 
and  assign  their  opponents  to  a  doom  more  or  less 
aggravated,  it  would  seem,  in  proportion  to  their 
want  of  faith  in,  or  opposition  to,  the  scheme  of 
immediate  abolition.  From  the  example  of  the 
Bible,  it  appears  that  the  future  destiny  of  sinners 
was  seldom  pronounced  except  by  Him  who  knew 
what  was  in  man — an  apostle  but  in  one  instance 
saying — "  thou  child  of  the  devil ;"  and  even  an 
angel,  when  disputing  with  an  opponent,  was  con 
tent,  to  say,  "  the  Lord  rebuke  thee." 

. 

VI.  Permit  me  now  to   state,  what   the  aboli 
tionists  have  already  effected  at  the  South. 

And  first,  they  have  loaded  themselves  with  not 


52  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

only  the  indignation,  but  the  deep  execration  of 
nearly  a  whole  community.  It  is  impossible  for 
language  to  express  the  feelings  of  slaveholders  on 
this  point.  Imagine  a  monster  with  the  heart  of  a 
fiend  and  the  strength  of  a  tiger ;  which  delighted 
in  filling  a  peaceful  hamlet  with  midnight  shrieks 
and  consternation — that  monster  would  be  an  ap 
proximation  to  an  aboli  ionist,  in  the  mind  of  a 
southern  slaveholder.  I  do  not  use  this  language 
as  mere  declamation — but  only  express  the  ideas 
which  have  been  conveyed  to  the  mind,  through 
the  medium  of  the  eye  and  the  ear. 

And  the  question  immediately  arises;  have  they 
deserved  this  execration?  As  an  individual  I  do 
not  hesitate  to  say,  they  are  not  a  together  guiltless. 
The  reasons  for  this  opinion  have  been  recapitu 
lated.  It  has  been  stated  that  abolitionists  are  not 
proper  judges  of  slavery,  for  as  a  body  they  know 
nothing  about  it ;  and  it  is  equally  true,  that  as  a 
body,  slaveholders  are  not  proper  judges  of  abo 
litionists,  and  for  the  same  reason.  Just  in  this 
position  the  parties  stand  at  present,  ignorant  of 
each  other's  characters  and  motives ;  but  vindict 
ively  urgent  in  hurling  at  each  other  the  most 
violent  denunciations,  and  applying  the  grossest 
epithets  of  abuse  which  language  can  furnish.  It 
is  impossible  to  say  which  has  the  advantage  in 
this  contest,  but  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  abo 
litionists  were  the  aggressors. 

Secondly.  The  abolitionists  could  not  have  de 
vised  a  plan,  more  effectually  to  close  up  every 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  53 

avenue  leading  to  slave  emancipation,  than  the 
measures  which  have  been  referred  to.  They 
have  greatly  increased  a  feeling  of  jealousy  and 
suspicion  towards  the  North  ;  and  they  have  rivet- 
ted  the  fetters  of  the  slave,  abridging  the  few 
pleasures  he  enjoyed,  and  throwing  serious  ob 
stacles  in  the  way  of  his  redemption.  I  had  often 
heard  this  stated  as  one  of  the  results  of  abolition 
movements,  but  gave  it  little  credit,  believing  it  to 
be  the  outcry  of  persons  interested  in  the  perpetua 
tion  of  slavery.  But  a  very  slight  acquaintance 
with  the  South  will  place  its  truth  beyond  a  doubt. 
Pass  over  the  boundary  between  the  free  and  slave 
states,  at  any  point  you  please  ;  and  as  you  advance, 
ask  the  inhabitants  their  views  of  abolition,  and 
the  effect  its  measures  have  had  in  abridging 
the  liberty  of  the  slave.  If  the  answers  are  not 
unanimous,  as  to  the  fact,  and  the  cause,  I  will 
retract  the  statement. 

In  all  the  frontier  slave  states,  several  causes 
have  conspired  to  work  a  change  in  the  public  mind 
prejudicial  to  slavery,  for  some  years  past.  This 
change  had  operated  so  far  in  most  of  these  states, 
as  to  produce  more  or  less  action  touching  the 
question  of  slavery  in  the  state  legislatures.  In  Vir 
ginia  particularly,  the  subject  had  been  freely  dis 
cussed  with  respect  to  measures  for  prospective 
emancipation,  and  the  people  were  watching  the 
progress  of  legislation  with  great  interest.  Almost 
in  a  moment,  the  subject  was  dropped,  when  it  was 
seen  what  course  the  abolitionists  were  pursuing ; 
5* 


54  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

and  instead  of  measures  for  giving  freedom  to 
slaves,  it  was  considered  necessary  to  make  addi 
tional  laws  for  their  security;  and  to  counteract 
what  were  looked  upon  as  incendiary  movements 
in  the  free  states. 

Could  abolitionists  hear  good  men  (for  although 
it  may  not  be  credited  every  where,  there  are  good 
men  among  slaveholders),   I    repeat,  could    they 
hear  good  men  in  Virginia  deplore  this,  as  one  of 
the  injurious  results  of  their  measures,  they  would 
ponder  their  doings  with  more  deliberation.     The 
wheels  which  had  begun  to   move,  and  were  ac 
quiring  accelerated  motion  by  the  action  of  public 
sentiment,  were  effectually  blocked ;  and  they  could 
never  be  set  in  motion  again  until  the  obstacle  was 
removed.     When  the  whole   South  was  assailed 
with  denunciation,  and  threatened  with  ruin  and 
perdition,  it  was   to  be  expected  that  all  parties 
and  opinions  should  sink   their  private  views   and 
minor  interests  in  the  public  welfare,  and  unite  in 
opposing  the   common  enemy.     Thus   the  public 
agitation  of  the  subject  has  been  indefinitely  post 
poned  through  the  mistaken  zeal  of  abolitionists. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  in  the  minds  of  those 
acquainted  with  the  subject,  that  had  there  been  no 
cause  of  reaction,  public  opinion  would  have  direc 
ted  legislation  to  provide  for  prospective  emanci 
pation,  in  more  than  one  of  the  slave  states,  in  a 
very  few  years ;  probably  the  work  would  have 
been  commenced  at  the  present  moment.  There 
is  a  continual  outcry  among  a  certain  class  of 


V 

TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  55 

agitators,  from  one  end  of  the  slave  states  to  the 
other,  appealing  to  southern  interests,  and  southern 
feelings,  and  having  a  direct  reference  to  the  insti 
tution  of  slavery.  This  is  a  bond  of  union  indeed, 
and  one  which  will  not  be  easily  dissolved ;  but 
there  is  a  stronger  bond  even  than  this  which  go 
verns  men,  and  that  is  individual  interest.  And  rest 
assured,  that  just  as  soon  as  a  majority  of  the  talent, 
the  wealth,  the  free  population  of  any  state  decides 
that  slavery  is  injurious  to  the  best  interests  of  that 
state,  it  will  be  abandoned,  notwithstanding  all  the 
influence  which  may  be  brought  to  oppose  it.  And 
there  are  powerful  causes  at  work,  tending  to  pro 
duce  this  result,  in  all  the  frontier  slave  states. 

Were  the  writer  to  undertake  a  mission  to  the 
South  to  preach  against  slavery,  he  would,  at  least 
in  the  five  most  northern  states,  take  political  eco 
nomy  for  his  text,  and  engage  to  convert  fourfold 
more  slaveholders  than  could  abolitionists. 

But  the  last  thing  that  can  be  done,  will  be  to 
drive  them  into  emancipation.  Almost  every  thing 
in  this  world  can  be  driven  from  its  position,  but 
human  nature ;  and  of  this  genus,  perhaps  the 
American  is  the  most  intractable  species ;  and  of 
the  American,  the  southern  will  claim  its  full  share 
of  pertinacity  in  maintaining  its  opinions  and  de 
fending  its  practices. 

Had  abolitionists  adopted  a  different  course,  they 
might  have  effected  great  good — perhaps  the  ac 
complishment  of  their  object,  slave  emancipation. 
Instead  of  confining  their  attention  chiefly  to  the 


56  TO    NORTHERN   ABOLITIONISTS. 

abstract  question  of  moral  right  and  wrong,  and 
bitterly  reproaching  the  advocates  of  slavery  on 
their  own  assumption  of  the  decision,  they  had  de 
liberated  and  inquired  as  other  men,  and  even  as 
they  do  on  other  subjects,  they  would  now  sustain 
a  very  different  attitude  before  the  community. 
Had  they  at  first  made  an  appeal  to  the  South 
openly,  and  not  as  spies — in  the  spirit  of  Christian 
forbearance  and  meekness,  appealing  to  their  hearts 
arid  consciences  as  responsible  and  accountable 
stewards,  they  would  have  found  many  persons 
willing  to  listen  to  all  their  rebukes,  and  ready  to 
confer  with  them  respecting  any  feasible  plan  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery.  Had  they  gone,  not  as  agents 
of  societies,  but  as  simple  individuals,  and  examined 
slavery  critically,  in  the  various  aspects  of  its  prac 
tical  operation,  they  would  have  been  better  able 
to  judge  of  its  enormity,  and  to  apply  a  suitable 
remedy.  Had  they  preached  the  doctrines  of  the 
New  Testament — not  on  the  house-tops  but  at  the 
fireside — they  would  have  found  multitudes  ready 
to  respond  to  the  truth,  and  would  have  been  re 
ceived  with  courtesy  and  Christian  hospitality. 

But  let  them  not  go  now,  as  avowed  abolitionists, 
unless  they  aspire  to  a  national  notoriety.  They 
would  hardly  escape  the  honor  of  martyrdom,  be 
low  the  thirty-fifth  degree  of  latitude :  above  that 
line  they  might  receive  some  permanent  badge  of 
southern  sensibility.  And  yet  at  this  day,  there  is 
no  hesitation  in  a  Virginian  to  converse  freely,  and 
express  his  views  frankly  respecting  slavery  to  a 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  o7 

guest,  who  gives  evidence  that  he  has  no  sinister 
design  in  view. 

There  are  thousands  of  slaveholders  who  are 
as  anxious  to  get  rid  of  slavery  as  abolitionists  are 
to  have  them — though  not  in  all  cases,  for  precisely 
the  same  reason.  Perhaps  the  latter  may  take  to 
themselves  the  credit  of  this  fact,  but  let  them  not 
be  deceived.  The  persons  with  whom  the  writer 
conversed,  who  most  deeply  regretted  the  existence 
of  slavery  among  them,  could  scarcely  restrain 
their  indignation  when  alluding  to  the  abolitionists 
for  having  effectually  (at  least  for  the  present)  put 
a  stop  to  all  the  plans  in  progress  for  the  removal 
of  the  evil.  Perhaps  it  may  not  be  universally 
known,  that  the  law  prevents  masters  from  giving 
freedom  to  their  slaves,  unless  they  are  sent  out  of 
the  state ;  or  bonds  are  required  for  their  mainte 
nance  and  good  behaviour. 

The  creed  of  the  abolitionist  may  be  sammed 
up  in  one  sentence — "  do  right,  and  leave  conse 
quences  to  God."  This  reads  very  well,  but  in  the 
view  of  slaveholders  it  is  mere  assumption,  inas 
much  as  it  implies  that  slavery  is  not  right.  The 
majority  of  slaveholders  are  conscious  of  no 
wrong  in  the  practice.  And  a  very  little  reflection, 
or  a  limited  acquaintance  v  ith  human  nature, 
might  have  taught  the  abolitionists,  that  a  system 
of  so  long  standing,  incorporated  into  society  for 
ages,  combining  the  influence  of  almost  the  entire 
community,  would  not  surrender  at  discretion. 
They  might  have  known  that,  however  individuals 


58  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

of  that  community  might  be  affected  by  the  ques 
tion,  there  were  multitudes  upon  whom  their  belief 
would  have  no  effect ;  who  would  spurn  their 
anathemas,  and  scoff  at  dictation  on  a  subject  in 
which  their  own  interests  were  immediately  and 
vitally  concerned.  Foreseeing  this,  probably,  and 
wishing  to  array  all  the  opposition  to  it  in  one 
combination,  they  have  exerted  themselves  in  form 
ing  a  system  of  affiliated  societies  in  the  free 
states ;  hoping,  perhaps,  by  their  exertions,  and 
trusting  to  the  numerical  strength  and  intelligence 
of  the  North,  to  bear  down  slavery  by  the  concen 
trated  force  of  public  opinion. 

But  are  they  sure  of  being  right  in  this  view  of 
the  subject.  On  this  point,  I  would  bespeak  their 
most  serious  and  deliberate  attention.  They  pro 
fess  to  be  governed  by  very  disinterested  and  pure 
motives,  appealing  to  the  Bible  for  arguments  in 
defence  of  their  measures,  and  for  their  rectitude 
of  motive.  But  supposing  they  should  succeed  in 
concentrating  public  opinion  at  the  North  against 
slavery :  is  that  opinion  so  enlightened,  that  it 
would  be  controlled  by  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel  ? 
If  not,  then  its  concentration  against  slavery  would 
only  produce  evil,  being  governed  by  selfish  mo 
tives.  I  confess  a  decided  belief,  that  the  concen 
tration  of  public  opinion  in  the  free  states,  (en 
lightened  and  pious  as  they  are,)  would,  at  present, 
be  swayed  much  more  strongly  by  political  than 
by  religious  motives.  There  are  indications  that 
anti-slavery  is  becoming  drawn  into  the  vortex  of 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  .59 

politics  ;  if  so,  it  will  at  once  descend  from  its 
peculiar  position,  and  be  merged  in  the  strife  of 
parties;  or  should  it  become  sufficiently  influential 
to  make  itself  the  most  prominent  subject  of  party 
action — which  it  will  never  do,  until  its  tone  is 
changed — it  would  lead  at  once  to  decisive,  perhaps, 
fatal  measures.  But  as  the  stream  cannot  rise 
above  its  fountain,  neither  can  the  moral  agency  of 
a  society  exceed  the  moral  aggregate  of  its  mem 
bers.  If  the  abolitionists,  by  any  possible  event, 
should  succeed  in  obtaining  a  majority  in  the  state 
and  national  councils  ;  and  should  then  press  their 
measures  in  the  same  spirit  they  now  manifest; 
can  they  depend  upon  the  moral  power  of  that 
majority  to  wield  the  elements  in  the  storms  that 
may  arise  ?  Have  abolitionists  deeply  pondered 
the  event  of  success  in  their  headlong  course? 

VII.  There  is  one  more  subject,  having  a  most 
important  bearing  on  this  question,  to  which  I  wish 
briefly  to  allude,  in  closing  this  chapter.  The 
abolitionists  have  become  clamorous  for  the  expur 
gation  of  the  District  of  Columbia.  Their  efforts 
on  this  point  are  destined,  I  candidly  believe,  to  be 
productive  of  evil.  On  this  subject,  sober  reflection 
has  made  an  entire  revolution  in  my  opinion. 

First.  The  South  will  always  resist  the  proposition. 
They  will  never  consent  to  the  measure  (nor  can 
they  consistently)  until  they  are  ready  to  abolish 
slavery  in  the  states.  They  look  upon  this  district 
in  the  light  of  a  frontier  post  adjoining  an  enemy's 


60  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

territory,  the  yielding  of  which  would  open  an 
avenue  for  their  admission  into  the  whole  country. 
Under  these  circumstances,  the  continual  agitation 
of  the  question  must  be  a  source  of  exceeding  irri 
tation  and  apprehension.  And  in  the  zeal  which 
the  people  of  the  North  have  manifested  on  this 
subject,  it  appears  they  have  lost  something  of 
that  reputation  for  staidness  and  deliberation  for 
which  they  are  wont  to  be  characterized.  I  say 
the  people  of  the  North,  for  I  am  persuaded  but  a 
part  of  those  signing  the  petitions  for  abolition  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  would  agree  with  the 
abolitionists  in  their  abuse,  and  their  indiscriminate 
and  unchristian  denunciation  of  the  South.  Com 
paratively  few  of  the  petitioners  on  the  long  rolls 
sent  to  Congress  ever  deliberately  canvassed  the 
subject,  or  seriously  reflected  upon  the  consequen 
ces  of  the  success  of  their  petition.  They  have 
perhaps  heard  an  anti-slavery  lecture,  and  the 
petition  is  passed  round  at  the  close,  while  the 
thermometer  of  public  feeling  is  above  blood-heat, 
under  the  influence  of  the  eloquent  lecture ;  or  some 
busy-body  with  a  long  tongue  in  a  small  head  goes 
through  the  neighbourhood  with  the  instrument  of 
abolition  in  his  hand,  and  lectures  by  families.  His 
eloquence  magnetises  wherever  it  falls,  and  the 
fever  becomes  contagious.  The  deacon  signs  it 
because  the  minister  did ;  the  farmer  because  the 
squire  did ;  and  all  their  hirelings,  to  be  in  good 
company.  Is  it  not  so?" 

Secondly.  Although  it  is  admitted  that  Congress 


TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS.  61 

has  unlimited  power  in  the  district,  yet  it  may  be 
questioned,  whether  an  act  to  abolish  slavery  there 
would  be  in  all  respects  an  act  of  good  faith.  That 
part  of  the  district  in  which  the  city  of  Washing 
ton  is  situated  was  formerly  an  integral  part  of  the 
state  of  Maryland.  Would  she  have  resigned  her 
jurisdiction  over  this  territory,  had  she  known  that 
Congress  would  have  abolished  slavery  in  it  1  Arid 
if  not,  would  it  be  proper  for  Congress  to  do 
what  she  would  not  have  done?  Had  the  terri 
tory  in  question  been  located  in  a  free  state,  and 
the  South  had  petitioned  Congress  to  admit  slaves, 
or  the  traffic  of  slaves  in  it,  contrary  to  the  esta 
blished  usages  of  the  place,  would  there  have  been 
no  outcry,  no  resistance  from  the  North  1  And 
would  not  this  very  point  have  been  urged,  that 
Congress  was  transcending  its  proper  limits  by 
doing  that  which  the  state  having  original  juris 
diction  would  never  have  permitted  ? 

Thirdly.  Another  circumstance  deserving  atten 
tion  is  the  fact,  that  probably  a  majority  of  the 
people  in  the  district  would  at  present  vote  against 
the  interference  of  Congress  on  this  point:  although, 
while  there  is  so  much  excitement  in  the  country, 
no  attempt  will  probably  be  made  to  obtain  an 
expression  of  public  sentiment. 

Fourthly.  I  would  suggest  an  opinion,  that  this 
district  should  be  held  as  common  ground,  on  which 
all  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  may  meet  on  terms 
of  amity.  Unhappily,  the  usages  of  the  various 
sections  of  our  country  are  different ;  on  this  very 
6 


62  TO    NORTHERN    ABOLITIONISTS. 

account,  the  central  point  at  which  they  legislate 
should  be  a  place  where  each  may  find  its  sectional 
usages  respected.  Great  forbearance  should  be 
exercised,  that  the  people  of  no  section  should 
come  here  with  the  feeling,  that  their  rights  were 
infringed  or  their  privileges  curtailed.  If  the 
sight  of  a  slave  is  offensive  or  painful  to  an  aboli 
tionist,  he  must  not  only  keep  away  from  slavery, 
but  should  alter  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
which,  as  a  citizen,  he  is  bound  to  respect;  for 
these  recognize  the  right  of  carrying  slaves  all 
over  the  country. 

Congress  has  always  manifested  a  very  liberal 
disposition  towards  this  district.  It  is  a  beautiful 
section  of  hill  and  dale,  well  adapted  from  its 
locality  to  be  the  seat  of  federal  government ;  and 
its  inhabitants  have  great  reason  to  be  thankful  for 
the  liberality  and  favour  of  Congress.  It  has  ex 
tended  a  generous  hand  to  aid  public  improve 
ments,  wherever  there  was  a  probability  of  their 
being  useful.  It  has  done  much  to  embellish 
Washington  in  its  public  buildings ;  and  if  private 
enterprise  keeps  pace  with  the  public  munificence, 
the  city  cannot  fail  to  be  a  capital  worthy  of  the 
Union. 


CHAPTER  II. 

APPEAL    TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

I.  Design  of  the  writer.  Slaveholders  and  abolitionists  ignorant 
of  each  other. 

IT.  Character  of  abolitionists  misunderstood  —  enthusiasts — in 
creased  by  opposition — many  of  them  well-meaning  men. 

III.  Slavery,  general  view — negroes  human  beings,   capable  of 
improvement. 

IV.  Power  of  the   master  —  slaveholders  interrogated.     Fearful 
responsibility  in  holding  human  beings  as  slaves. 

V.  The  Bible  on  that  responsibility. 

VI.  Brief  survey  of  practical  slavery — moral  aspect — ignorance 
— dishonesty,  facts  in  proof — licentiousness,  slaveholders  aware 
of  the  evil. 

VII.  Influence  of  slavery  on  individuals — character  of  slaves — 
their  influence  on  masters — on  poor  white  men. 

VIII.  Influence  of  slavery  on   national  prosperity — monopoly  of 
cotton — southern    system    not    favourable   to    improvement — 
comparison  with  imperial  Rome — with  Peru  and  Mexico. 

IX.  A  better  system  recommended   to  the  South.     Question  of 
moral  right  will  be  agitated  among  slaveholders. 

X.  Slaveholders  plead  that  a  manufacturing  country  makes  actual 
slaves — some  weight  in  the  plea — radical  difference.     Southern 
states  should  depend  on  agriculture.     "  Plan  "  of  independence 
considered. 

XI.  Views  of  the  North    on    slavery — tendency   of  abolition — 
ridiculous  action  among  some  northern  manufacturers. 

XII.  Dissolution  of  Union  threatened — its  preservation  urged  upon 
the  South.     North  not  inimical  to  the  South. 

XIII.  The  probable  result  of  the  controversy.     Influence  of  British 
emancipation.      Modern  slavery  compared    with    Roman  and 
Grecian.     Conclusion. 


Slavery — that  consuming  canker  of  great  states. 

SISMONDI. 

I.  In  a  former  chapter  I   have  given  you  my 
views  of  the  measures  and  movements  of  aboli- 


64  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

tionists ;  permit  me  now,  as  a  suitable  introduction 
to  this,  to  tell  you  something  of  the  abolitionists 
themselves.  If  the  description  should  differ  from 
the  picture  in  your  mind's  eye,  be  assured  there 
is  no  intentional  deception  or  false  colouring ;  and 
that  it  is  drawn  from  actual  observation.  The 
writer  did  not  enter  upon  this  undertaking  to  build 
up  or  pull  down,  to  favour  or  traduce,  any  party 
or  man,  and  never  entered  into  any  calculation 
respecting  the  degree  of  approbation  or  censure 
which  might  accompany  his  labours.  A  good 
cause  never  suffered  by  investigation ;  a  bad  one 
was  never  permanently  benefited  by  falsehood  or 
intrigue.  It  is  less  the  design  of  the  writer  to  give 
his  own  opinions,  than  to  state  facts,  and  leave 
the  reader  to  form  his  own  conclusions. 

With  these  views,  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  so 
much  asperity  of  feeling  should  exist  between  the 
great  parties  of  this  controversy — the  abolitionists 
and  those  slaveholders  which  have  taken  a  con 
spicuous  part  in  opposing  them — with  so  little 
knowledge  of  each  others  characters  and  motives. 
On  each  side  judgment  has  been  made  up  from 
exparte  statements,  and  a  verdict  rendered  against 
the  whole  body,  from  the  inflammatory  language 
and  excited  action  of  a  few.  This  is  not  only 
unhappy,  but  it  might  have  been  prevented  by  more 
deliberation  and  forbearance.  It  must  be  most 
evident  that  neither  party  is  deserving  the  un 
qualified  abuse  which  has  been  cast  upon  it  by  the 
other. 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  65 

II.  The  writer  has  been  personally  acquainted 
with  several  abolitionists,  some  of  whom  have  held 
a  prominent  place  before  the  public,  since  the  first 
agitation  of  the  subject ;  and  he  is  ready  to  bear 
witness  that  they  are  not  the  cutthroats  and 
monsters  which  slaveholders  are  led  to  believe. 
Worse  men  than  they,  misguided  or  unprincipled 
demagogues,  having  private  interests  to  subserve  or 
hideous  passions  to  gratify,  have  raised  the  hue 
and  cry  against  them — have  set  on  the  mob  to  break 
up  their  meetings,  destroy  their  property,  and  put 
their  lives  in  peril — to  load  them  with  infamy,  and 
quiet  the  South.  No  other  result  could  reasonably 
be  expected,  than  that  which  followed.  Instead 
of  a  handful  of  quiet,  unoffending  men,  who  met 
to  pass  resolutions  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  to 
relieve  their  minds  of  a  burden,  they  have  grown 
up,  in  spite  of  themselves,  into  a  numerous  body ; 
and  now  occupy  a  large  space  in  the  public  mind, 
both  north  and  south.  Sober,  reflecting  men,  who 
witnessed  the  treatment  they  suffered  for  no  illegal 
act  or  offence  against  the  laws,  necessarily  came 
to  the  conclusion,  that  if  such  violence  was  to  be 
the  penalty  of  believing  and  acting  as  every  in 
dividual  has  a  right  to  do,  then  no  man  or  society 
would  be  safe  from  the  exactions  and  injuries  of 
a  lawless  infuriated  rabble ;  and  they  befriended 
or  took  sides  with  the  abolitionists,  not  so  much 
from  a  belief  of  their  sentiments,  as  to  sustain  the 
peace  and  order  of  society. 

The  men  who  inflamed  the  mob  and  set  them 
6* 


66  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

to  their  task  are  utterly  devoid  of  principle ;  and 
having  only  selfish  purposes  to  gratify,  would  as 
soon  set  fire  to  the  south  as  the  north,  if  they  cou 
thereby  accomplish  their  interested  designs.  The 
miserable  beings  who  generally  act  as  efcient 
agents  in  such  scenes — men  in  the  liken 3ss  but 
without  the  attributes  of  humanity — who  ve  n 
the  rational  intelligence  into  brutal  vice,  and  who 
have  brought  hopeless  poverty  and  oppression  upon 
themselves  in  all  ages,  are  probably  destined  in 
this,  as  in  every  other  country,  to  be  controlled, 
when  in  masses,  like  beasts  of  prey,  only  by  powder 
and  ball.  That  this  class  were  the  workmen  in  these, 
as  in  all  mobs,  there  is  no  doubt ;  and  yet  it  cannot 
be  denied,  that  in  almost  all  the  tumults  growing  out 
of  abolition  at  the  North,  there  have  been  large 
numbers  of  orderly  persons,  and  many  respectable 
citizens,  looking  on  with  approbation.  If  these  latter 
supposed  they  were  aiding  in  pulling  down  abolition, 
by  their  passive  assent  in  countenancing  the  mob 
in  pulling  down  houses,  they  egregiously  erred,  as 
experience  has  abundantly  proved. 

True,  the  abolitionists  are  enthusiasts — they  are 
absorbed  in  the  contemplation  of  this,  as  the  greet 
sin  of  the  nation  ;  and  believe  they  are  called  upon 
by  every  principle  of  Christianity,  and  by  the  love 
of  man,  to  raise  their  voice  against  it ;  and  to  use 
every  reasonable  exertion  for  its  extinction.  If 
they  use  unreasonable  exertions,  the  fault  should  be 
attributed  in  some  measure  to  the  headlong  preci 
pitancy  of  the  times;  and  something  should  cha- 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  67 

ritably  be  allowed  for  the  infirmities  of  human  na 
ture,  under  the  circumstances  in  which  they  have 
been  placed  ;  as  all  history,  civil  and  ecclesiastical? 
proves  that  the  proper  aliment  on  which  enthusiasm 
thrives  and  prospers  is  opposition. 

But  apart  from  their  exclusiveness  on  this 
point,  the  abolitionists,  those  of  whom  the  writer 
can  speak  from  personal  experience,  are  unas 
suming,  peaceable  men,  having  at  least  as  much 
claim  to  the  character  of  Christian  as  their  op 
ponents.  They  would  not  designedly  hurt  the 
.air  of  the  head  of  a  single  slaveholder.  They 
have  not  enlisted  in  this  cause  from  motives  of 
self-interest,  popular  favour,  or  ambition.  Were 
you  to  sit  down  with  them  to  discuss  the  subject 
of  slavery,  however  the  argument  might  turn,  I 
would  guarantee  the  abolitionist  not  to  be  the  first 
to  lose  temper.  Of  course,  I  except  certain  hot 
headed  ones,  which  in  this,  as  in  every  other  cause, 
are  always  loaded  and  primed  ready  to  go  off. 
That  many  of  them  are  philanthropists,  in  the  highest 
sense  of  the  term  ;  not  giving  to  those  who  can 
repay  them,  but  devoting  themselves  to  seeking 
out,  relieving,  and  instructing  the  miserable  and 
wretched,  is  susceptible  of  proof.  They  are  ac 
tively  engaged  in  some  northern  cities,  in  drawing 
those  idle  and  vagabond  children  for  whom  "  no 
man  cares"  from  the  streets  or  their  miserable 
abodes,  and  collecting  and  teaching  them  in  Sab 
bath-schools.  For  these  labours  of  unrequited 
philanthropy,  of  pure,  disinterested  patriotism,  and 
true  charity,  I  will  honour  them,  and  praise  them, 


68  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

— notwithstanding  the  frowns  and  scorn  of  popular 
obloquy — believing,  that  in  the  day  which  shall 
"  try  every  man's  work,  of  what  sort  it  is,"  these 
labours  will  stand  every  test  and  be  approved ; 
whatever  may  be  the  fate  of  their  abolition 
measures. 

III.  The  subject  of  American  slavery  is  one  of 
such  vast  magnitude,  involving  so  many  interests, 
and  presenting  such  a  variety  of  aspects,  that  to 
trace  even  an  outline  of  the  whole  field  would  re 
quire  time  and  research,  which  the  writer  is  wholly 
unable  to  command.  He  wishes,  nevertheless,  in 
the  brief  space  allotted  to  this  chapter,  to  call  your 
attention  to  some  points  of  great  interest,  and  de 
serving  your  deliberate  and  profound  considera 
tion. 

And  first,  with  respect  to  the  main  question, — 
slavery  itself.  It  is  not  necessary  to  repeat  or 
add  to  what  has  been  stated  in  another  place.  I 
have  there  briefly  but  frankly  avowed  my  own 
sentiments  on  the  subject.  In  presenting  this  ap 
peal  to  you,  I  wish  as  frankly  to  address  you  first 
as  accountable  beings,  and  in  view  of  a  tribunal 
hereafter,  where  the  judgments  of  men  will  be  re 
viewed  and  reversed,  and  where  every  man  will 
be  judged  according  to  his  works. 

I  take  the  ground  that  the  negro  is  a  human  be 
ing,  although  now  sunk  in  ignorance,  and  degraded 
by  slavery — a  being,  having  capacities  for  improve- 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  69 

ment  and  enjoyment  above  his  present  lot — a  being, 
accountable  to  God,  and  destined  to  future  retribu 
tion — and  a  being  who  has  claims  upon  the  phi 
lanthropy  of  the  age,  which  cannot  much  longer 
be  slighted  or  overlooked. 

All  of  you  will  agree  to  some  of  these  proposi 
tions  ;  some  of  you  will  agree  to  them  all.  But  no 
efforts  for  reformation  will  avail,  unless  founded 
upon  principles  of  Christian  benevolence.  Nothing 
but  the  spirit  of  the  gospel  can  essentially  ameliorate 
the  condition,  humanize  and  christianize  the  negro. 
All  other  principles  of  reformation  will  degenerate 
into  mercenary  and  selfish  practices.  Human 
nature  is  essentially  the  same,  in  all  ages  and 
countries ;  its  great  deity  is  self — its  highest  attain 
ment  self-idolatry. 

IV.  You  hold,  by  legal  possession,  by  long  un 
questioned  right,  the  person  of  the  slave.  He  and 
his  posterity  are  yours  to  employ,  and  to  dispose 
of,  according  to  your  own  pleasure.  His  time  and 
abilities  are  yours — his  task  has  no  limit  but  your 
will.  Of  freedom  or  property  he  has  none.  He 
can  make  no  alliances,  no  contracts — his  wife  and 
children  are  not  his  own,  but  yours.  His  igno 
rance  and  knowledge,  his  virtue  and  vice,  are 
governed  by  the  circumstances  of  his  situation. 
The  employment  of  the  faculties  which  God  has 
given  him,  and  which  are  indestructible,  is  in 
fluenced  by  your  control ;  yea,  the  manner  in  which 


70  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

he  exercises  them  as  an  accountable  moral  being, 
is  shaped  by  your  example  and  authority. 

Now,  without  entering  into  any  question  of  right 
or  responsibility,  permit  me  to  ask  you,  on  what  con 
ditions  would  you  agree  to  have  the  order  of  society 
reversed,  and  yourselves  and  posterity  destined  to 
the  same  state  and  situation  in  which  you  now 
hold  the  negro  ?  I  do  not  say,  to  the  negro,  but  in 
the  most  favourable  circumstances,  in  which  the 
cases  should  be  parallel ;  so  you  would  be  con 
trolled  absolutely  by  a  master,  and  held  "  as  goods 
and  chattels."  Are  you  indignant  at  the  question  ? 
Then  there  are  still  stronger  reasons  for  the  pro 
priety  of  asking  it.  It  may  not  be  in  accordance 
with  the  established  rules  of  fashionable  courtesy 
to  propose  such  a  question,  as  the  foundation  of  an 
argument  or  discussion  ;  but  in  view  of  the  great 
interests  of  humanity — of  that  moral  accountability 
of  which  we  all  are  partakers — the  artificial  rules 
of  society  will  never  be  permitted  to  suppress  a 
query,  prompted  by  rectitude  of  motive,  and  having 
for  its  object  an  investigation  of  the  utility  and  pro 
priety  of  customs  and  usages  practised  by  a  great 
community. 

Perhaps,  if  you  deign  an  answer,  you  will  sum 
marily  decide,  that  such  a  reversal  is  not  within 
the  limits  of  possibility.  Were  the  present  state  of 
existence  the  end  of  man,  this  answer  might  be 
conclusive,  for  there  is  scarcely  a  possibility  that 
the  weak  could  overcome  the  strong — that  barba 
rism  and  ignorance  could  triumph  over  civilization 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  71 

and  the  arts.  But  this  is  not  the  view  of  the  sub 
ject  we  are  contemplating,  fn  view  of  the  control 
you  exercise  over  the  slave,  do  you  not  sustain  the 
greatest  weight  of  responsibility  of  which  man  is 
susceptible  1 — a  responsibility  greatly  increased  by 
being  exercised  under  the  light  of  Christianity. 
Unless  you  deny  his  relation  to  the  human  family, 
you  cannot  forget  that  the  negro  is  equally  with 
yourself  the  creature  of  the  same  infinite  Creator, 
— that  common  Father  of  all — who  is  no  respecter 
of  persons  ;  and  before  whom,  in  all  essential  at 
tributes,  human  beings  of  our  race  are  equal.  In 
the  closing  hours  of  life,  when  the  honours,  and 
riches,  and  colour,  which  now  give  you  an  enviable 
superiority  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  shall  be  re 
duced  to  their  just  estimate,  this  equality  will  ap 
pear  with  a  distinctness  which  you  never  imagined. 
Even,  if  you  are  satisfied,  beyond  the  reach  of 
doubt,  that  slavery  in  your  case  is  morally  right, 
have  you  no  reason  to  fear,  in  view  of  the  frailty 
and  selfishness  of  our  nature,  that  in  the  possession 
of  such  powers  your  self-interest  or  passion  will 
obtain  the  mastery  over  reason  and  conscience — 
over  the  perception  of  right  and  wrong ;  and  that 
you  will  exceed  the  measure  of  a  rightful  and  just 
authority.  The  rule  of  that  measure  is,  what  you 
would  have  exercised  over  you  were  you  the 
slave.  In  view  of  the  moral  responsibility  attend 
ing  the  condition  of  master  and  slave,  it  appears 
to  me  that  a  man  having  any  adequate  perception 
of  that  responsibility,  and  of  his  own  fallibility, 


72  TO    SLAVEHOLEERS. 

would  not  hesitate,  were  he  destined  to  choose 
between  them,  to  accept  the  latter. 

I  have  before  stated  my  belief  that  slavery  to  a 
good  master  might,  by  checking  the  propensities  of 
a  debased  and  groveling  human  being,  prove  a  bless 
ing.  On  this  point  I  have  adverted  to  Scripture  in 
proof.  Probably  every  reader  of  this  can  immedi 
ately  refer  his  thoughts  to  persons  within  his  know 
ledge,  who  would  be  better  off  physically,  and  as  far 
as  he  can  judge  morally,  in  a  state  of  absolute  servi 
tude  ;  such  persons,  as  are  now  sunk  to  the  lowest 
point  of  self-degradation.  But  would  the  responsi 
bility  of  the  master  cease  in  such  a  case  ?  Cer 
tainly  not.  It  must  be  a  law  of  morals,  on  which 
I  fear  the  slaveholder  seldom  reflects,  that  the  mas 
ter  who  consigns  a  fellow-being  to  bondage  neces 
sarily  assumes  his  responsibilities,  so  far  as  he 
controls  him.  And  if  this  responsibility  is  great  in 
respect  of  the  person  who  has  already  degraded 
himself  below  a  consciousness  of  moral  perception ; 
who  would  willingly  incur  it  in  the  case  of  one, 
possessed  of  all  his  faculties,  in  their  full  (though 
untaught)  vigour,  and  who,  in  favourable  circum 
stances,  would  assert  the  dignity  and  independence 
of  an  intelligent  free  agent. 

Slavery  must  necessarily  forbid  the  develop 
ment  of  the  mental  faculties — the  chain  which 
surrounds  the  body  must  be  drawn  so  tight  as  to 
close  every  anenue  to  the  mind,  or  the  master 
would  not  be  secure.  If  we  say  the  slave  has  not 
capacity  for  greater  development  or  greater  en- 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  73 

joyment  than  he  obtains  in  slavery,  we  say  it  in 
the  face  of  inspiration,  which  declares  that  every 
man  shall  render  an  account  of  the  talents  com 
mitted  to  his  charge.  If  we  bury  a  single  talent 
belonging  to  another,  which  but  for  our  restraint 
and  control  would  have  been  improved  by  the 
possessor,  of  us  will  he  demand,  to  render  his 
account  in  the  day  of  reckoning. 

V.  If  the  Bible  teaches  us  that  God  permits 
slavery,  it  a-lso  teaches  us  the  accountability  of  the 
master.  Nowhere  have  we  more  striking  proof 
of  the  beneficent  regard  of  the  Creator  for  his  erring 
creatures,  nor  of  his  endeavors  (if  the  expression 
be  allowable),  for  the  preservation  of  their  liberty 
and  happiness,  than  in  the  Mosaic  history.  Notwith 
standing  the  immediate  and  frequent  revelations 
which  the  Almighty  gave  to  the  Israelites — the 
signal  interposition  of  his  providence  in  their  de 
liverance  from  difficulty — and  the  impressive  obli 
gations  resting  upon  them  to  deal  justly  and  love 
mercy — he,  their  great  legislator  and  guide,  who 
knew  the  character  of  man,  in  his  positive  insti 
tutions  for  their  government,  made  a  provision  for 
their  welfare  wholly  unknown  among  human  legis 
lators,  and  having  a  direct  bearing  upon  their 
social  happiness  and  equal  rights.  This  wras  the 
institution  of  the  Jubilee,  at  which  period  lands 
were  to  revert  to  their  former  owners,  and  slaves 
to  be  emancipated.  The  design  of  this  institution 
is  thus  stated,  by  a  learned  commentator,  forcibly 


74  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS, 

showing  the  benevolence  of  the  Creator,  in  provi 
ding  checks  to  the  natural  propensities  of  men  to 
become  tyrants  or  brutes. 

"  The  reason  and  design  of  the  Jubilee  was 
partly  political  and  partly  typical.  It  was  politi 
cal  to  prevent  too  great  oppression  of  the  poor,  as 
well  as  their  liability  to  perpetual  slavery.  By  this 
means  the  rich  were  prevented  from  accumulating 
lands  upon  lands,  and  a  kind  of  equality  was  pre 
served  through  all  the  families  of  Israel.  Never 
was  there  any  people  so  effectually  secure  of  their 
liberty  and  property  as  the  Israelites  vere,  God 
not  only  engaging  so  to  protect  those  invaluable 
blessings  by  his  Providence,  that  they  should  not 
be  taken  away  from  them  by  others,  but  providing 
in  a  particular  manner  by  this  law,  that  they  should 
not  be  thrown  away  through  their  own  folly,  since 
the  property  which  every  man  or  family  had  in 
their  dividend  of  the  land  of  Canaan  could  not  be 
sold  or  any  way  alienated,  for  above  half  a  cen 
tury."* 

Every  reader  of  the  books  of  Moses  must  be 
struck  with  the  following  reflections  : — 

First.  That  God  intended  the  Israelites  to  be 
equal  in  rights  and  privileges.  All  had  an  equal 
interest  in  the  division  of  the  land  of  Canaan, 
according  to  their  families  and  numbers.  No  king 
was  appointed  over  them.  Moses  was  merely  a 
deputy  lawgiver  under  the  Almighty,  and  the  heads 

*  Home's  Introduction,  Art  Jubilee. 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  75 

of  tribes  were  honored  as  counsellors,  without  any 
superior  share  in  the  inheritance.  It  was  a  pure 
republic,  with  provisions  for  its  welfare  and  perma 
nence  such  as  infinite  wisdom  only  could  make. 

Second.  Slavery  (from  among  the  heathen)  was 
tolerated,  but  under  positive  restrictions  of  not 
more  than  fifty  years'  continuance ;  at  which 
period  also,  lands  sold  were  to  revert  to  the  origi 
nal  proprietors. 

Third.  The  melancholy  proof  of  the  depravity 
and  impiety  of  human  nature, — in  so  soon  forget 
ting  the  awful  manifestations  of  Deity,  by  which 
the  giving  of  these  laws  was  solemnized — in  neg 
lecting  that  reverence  and  love  of  God,  which  a 
sense  of  his  goodness  and  protection  should  have 
kept  burning  in  their  hearts — and,  finally,  in  viola 
ting  his  positive  commands,  and  utterly  disregarding 
the  penalty  annexed,  thus  daring  the  execution  of 
that  penalty,  which  they  have  suffered  to  the  utter 
most,  and  under  the  doom  of  wrhich  they  remain 
to  this  day. 

In  connection  with  this  it  may  be  observed,  that 
the  most  fearful  judgments,  perhaps,  in  the  whole 
Bible,  are  denounced  against  oppressors  ;  those 
who  grind  the  face  of  the  poor,  and  withhold  from 
the  hireling  his  due.  The  most  grievous  calami 
ties,  and  especially  the  scattering  of  the  Jews 
among  all  nations,  (Jer.  xxxiv.)  are  particularly 
threatened  for  their  oppression,  in  not  giving  the 
freedom  promised  and  ordained  in  the  law  of 
Moses.  How  far  these  threatenings  are  applicable 


76  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

to  modern  slavery,  is  a  question  which  fallible  men 
should  be  cautious  in  determining. 

VI.  I  purpose  now  to  take  a  brief  survey  of 
slavery,  with  regard  to  its  moral  and  political 
aspect;  for  this  is  the  only  sure  test  of  utility  in 
every  human  institution.  I  will  not  designedly 
overcolour  the  picture,  nor  give  it  a  single  hue 
which  reality  will  not  sanction.  Every  man,  how 
ever  humble,  exerts  an  influence  on  society  for 
good  or  evil ;  and  every  writer  probably  adds  some 
thing  to  the  aggregate  of  human  happiness  or 
misery.  In  this  belief,  1  would  write  nothing  with 
out  a  deep-felt  consciousness,  that  the  eye  of  Omni 
science  is  upon  me,  and  that  for  my  words  and 
sentiments,  and  their  influence  upon  the  world,  an 
account  must  be  rendered. 

And  first,  the  moral  aspect  of  slavery  as  it  is 
developed  in  our  own  country.  On  this  subject  I 
have  no  wish  to  go  into  detail.  I  will  state  some 
of  those  prominent  facts,  which  are  known  and  read 
of  all  men  in  a  slave  country — submitting  to  those  in 
terested  to  judge  the  fairness  of  the  statements,  and 
leaving  the  reader  to  draw  his  own  conclusions. 
The  first  question  touching  the  morals  of  a  com 
munity,  is  in  respect  to  its  religion.  And  the  slaves 
as  a  body  must  be  without  intelligent  piety,  for 
they  are  without  any  learning.  The  laws  gen 
erally — and  I  know  not  but  in  all  the  states — interdict 
their  being  taught  to  read ;  and  even  when  it  may 


TO    SLAVEH  OLDERS.  77 

perhaps  be  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  master,  the 
result  is  essentially  the  same. 

Ignorance  is  always  an  attendant  upon  slavery. 
Yet,  while  every  advocate  or  apologist  of  slavery 
must  admit  the  necessity  of  this,  enlightened  piety 
must  deplore  the  consequences,  in  regarding  them 
as  accountable  beings.  Reading  is  emphatically 
the  key  of  knowledge,  and  how  ministers  and 
Christians  can  reconcile  with  the  precepts  of  the 
Bible,  their  taking  away  this  key  from  one-half  the 
community  of  human  beings,  is  beyond  my  com 
prehension.  A  land  of  Bibles,  and  one-half  the 
immortal  souls  not  permitted  to  read  it !  We  de 
plore  the  biblical  ignorance  of  the  people  in  popish 
countries — ought  we  not  to  lament  the  moral  dark 
ness  of  our  own?  Surely  Christian  slavery  gives 
the  strongest  evidence  of  man's  corruption  and 
depravity,  for  it  virtually  declares  these  to  be  more 
influential  in  governing  men  than  the  Bible. 

Hence  the  slave,  whose  only  knowledge  of  religion 
is  derived  from  example  and  oral  instruction,  forms 
his  estimate  of  its  value  from  its  practical  influ 
ence  upon  those  around  him.  I  fear  this  reflected 
light  from  example  would  be  so  feeble,  even  from 
the  most  pious  community  in  the  Union,  as  to  be 
but  a  very  uncertain  guide  to  the  ignorant.  There 
are  many  persons  in  the  south,  who  take  an  active 
interest  in  the  subject,  and  devote  much  time  to 
the  oral  instruction  of  the  negro ;  and  no  doubt  the 
ministers  of  the  gospel  generally  encourage  and 
assist  in  the  work :  but  whether  they  discharge  all 


78  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

their  duty  to  the  slave,  must  be  left  to  Omniscience 
to  decide.  Very  many  of  the  slaves  in  the  large 
towns  are  regular  attendants  upon  worship,  and  com 
municants  in  the  church  ;  and  most  of  the  masters  in 
the  country  encourage  their  slaves  to  attend :  and 
although  the  number  of  attendants  in  the  country, 
so  far  as  the  writer's  observation  extended,  is  small, 
he  has  been  informed  that  this  is  by  no  means  gen 
erally  the  case.  Some  masters  practically  en 
courage  the  desecration  of  the  Sabbath,  by  requiring 
six  days'  labour  of  the  slaves;  thus  leaving  them 
only  the  seventh  for  the  cultivation  of  their  own 
garden,  and  the  performance  of  other  necessary 
duties ;  but  by  far  the  greater  number  give  them  a 
portion  of  time  expressly  for  their  own  services 
and  duties,  and  most  of  these  also  discountenance 
their  labouring  on  the  Sabbath. 

Another  feature  characteristic  of  southern  sla 
very  is  dishonesty— perhaps  I  should  say  pilfering — 
and  its  sure  concomitant,  lying.  Two  facts  which 
are  peculiar  to  the  south  will  prove  this  statement. 

First,  almost  every  house  is  guarded  by  one  or 
more  dogs — generally  a  pack — a  great  nuisance  to 
the  traveller  who  is  unaccustomed  to  such  society — 
extremely  savage,  and  especially  taught  to  seize 
the  negro  in  his  night  maraudings. 

Secondly,  every  mistress  or  housekeeper  in  town 
and  country  keeps  her  rooms  locked,  forbidding 
entrance  without  permission.  This  practice  ap 
pears  to  be  reduced  to  a  system,  and  vigilantly 
attended  to;  thus  giving  evidence  that  the  danger 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  79 

is  not  from  without,  as  in  cities,  but  from  within.  It 
seems  to  be  a  household  maxim,  that  servants  are 
not  to  be  trusted.  Having  no  liberty,  no  property 
of  his  own,  is  it  surprising  that  the  slave  should 
covet,  and  in  his  moral  and  mental  ignorance  ap 
propriate  to  his  own  use,  something  of  the  abund. 
an  :e  wh  ch  surrounds  him,  or  whatever  accident 
throws  in  hi-;  way,  that  may  minister  to  his  gra 
tification  ?  Naturally  of  a  social  disposition,  but 
denied  by  his  situation  from  enjoying  his  propensity 
during  the  day,  his  nights  are  frequently  given  to 
visiting,  frolicking,  rambling,  plundering. 

But  the  darkest  moral  feature  in  the  South  is 
licentiousness.  It  walks  like  the  pestilence  at  noon 
day — lurks  in  every  corner  and  by-way  at  night — 
and  nothing  is  free  from  its  contamination.  I  am 
satisfied  but  few  slaveholders  themselves  know 
the  amount  of  this  vice  carried  on  among  them. 
Sensuality  is  a  strong  propensity  in  the  negro,  and 
in  his  state  of  degradation,  and  in  the  absence  of 
mental  pleasures,  it  is  not  wonderful  that  sensual 
indulgence  should  have  a  strong  dominion  over 
him.  Besides,  it  cannot  be  questioned,  that  this  vice 
is  often  practically  encouraged  by  his  white  supe 
riors  ;  and  where  every  tie  of  family  kindred  is 
liable  to  be  broken  at  the  will  of  the  master — where 
the  slave  is  permitted  to  have  no  individual  will, 
but  is  personally  and  mentally  subjected — where 
passive  acquiescence  to  the  demands  or  wishes  of 
a  superior  may  prove  a  source  of  mitigation  of 
evils — where  all  these  are  combined  with  the  na- 


80  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

tural  inclination  of  the  negro,  what  can  prevent  a 
flood  of  pollution  from  pouring  over  the  land. 
Nothing  can  prevent  it,  but  a  strong  sense  of  moral 
principle;  and  whether  a  state  of  domestic  slavery 
is  more  or  less  favourable  to  the  formation  and 
exertion  of  such  a  principle,  is  submitted  to  the  con 
sideration  of  slaveholders.  From  impressions  on 
the  mind  of  the  writer,  he  is  confident  that  a  little 
observation  and  inquiry  will  give  such  a  view  of 
the  subject,  as  to  make  a  moral  man  ashamed  that 
he  belongs  to  the  species.  Pen  should  not  write,  a 
virtuous  mind  should  not  for  a  moment  retain  ex 
pressions  of  deeds,  of  which  men,  called  respectable, 
openly  boast. 

And  a  southern  slaveholder  never  ought  to  utter 
a  word  of  reproach,  or  speak  of  amalgamation,  in 
connection  with  the  free  states.  Were  every  black 
there  to  be  married  to  a  \vhite,  the  result  would  not 
exhibit  such  a  motley  complexion,  as  the  South  now 
presents,  in  open  defiance  of  every  moral  and  reli 
gious  precept.  The  one  might  offend  the  estab 
lished  rules  of  society ;  the  other  outrages  every  sen 
timent  of  decency.  You  may  very  frequently  at  the 
South  see  a  black  woman  with  two  or  three  children, 
each  of  a  different  coloured  hue — such  things  pass 
Without  observation  as  a  matter  of  course.  And  I 
have  sometimes  while  traveling,  asked  the  ques 
tion  respecting  a  fellow-being  before  me,  "  is  that 
man  black  or  white?"  The  answer  was  generally, 
"  he  is  a  slave."  And  I  need  not  allude  to  the  end 
less  varietv  of  shades  which  meet  the  eye,  in  ob- 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  81 

serving  the  coloured  population,  in  all  the  cities  of 
the  south.  Leaving  out  of  view  entirely,  the  idea 
of  moral  responsibility,  what  are  the  prospects  of 
such  a  state  of  society?  Who  can  be  secure,  when 
the  very  atmosphere  is  loaded  with  pestilence  ?  Who 
can  be  surrounded  with  fire,  and  not  be  scorched  ? 
What  an  introduction  to  manhood,  have  the  youth 
of  such  a  society! 

I  know  that  many  persons  at  the  south,  many 
slaveholders,  view  this  picture  of  society  with  dis 
may,  and  are  anxiously  looking  for  some  ray  of  light 
to  break  in  upon  the  surrounding  darkness.  They 
know  that  it  is  poisoning  the  fountains  of  morals, 
and  undermining  the  very  foundations  of  society. 
They  know  also  that  slavery  is  the  procuring  cause 
of  the  evil,  by  placing  the  cup  within  the  reach 
of  every  individual,  and  that  public  opinion  silently 
acquiesces  in  the  practice.  In  the  frontier  states, 
these  men  have  hope  of  removing  the  evil  by  des 
troying  the  cause  ;  but  in  the  far  south,  where  self- 
interest,  worldly  prosperity,  the  climate  and  habits 
of  society,  combine  to  perpetuate  slavery,  some  of 
these  men  do  not  hesitate  to  express  a  belief,  that 
slavery  is  destined  to  take  a  terrible  revenge — not 
by  insurrection,  but  by  amalgamation — the  black 
swallowing  up  the  white. 

VII.  Secondly. — The  influence  of  slavery,  with 
respect  to  individual  and  national  prosperity,  were 
there  no  other  objection  to  slavery,  I  would  urge 
emancipation  upon  the  master  from  motives  of 


82  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

political  economy  alone.  No  country  or  state  ever 
•was  or  can  be  permanently  prosperous,  where  the 
mass  of  the  population  are  slaves.  That  slavery  is 
contrary  to  the  original  designs  of  the  Creator,  and 
the  established  laws  which  govern  the  world  of 
mind,  is  sufficiently  proved  from  its  unprofitable 
ness.  We  need  not  appeal  to  history  or  human 
science  for  the  proof  of  these  propositions.  That 
slave-labour  is  necessarily  unproductive,  must  be 
evident  to  the  most  common  reflection.  As  a 
general  principle,  with  rare  exceptions,  no  man 
will  exert  himself  to  do  any  thing  without  an  object 
in  prospect,  and  every  man's  exertion  and  perse 
verance  will  be  in  proportion  to  the  value  he 
places  upon  that  object.  Now,  on  this  common 
sense  principle,  what  motive  has  the  slave  to 
labour  ?  He  is  a  mere  passive  instrument  in  the 
hands  of  another  :  he  has  no  voice  in  the  direction, 
no  profit  in  the  result  of  his  labour :  he  will  have 
his  food  and  clothing,  although  the  cattle  destroy 
the  corn  ;  he  will  have  no  more,  although  it  yields 
an  hundred  fold.* 

He  has  no  attachment  to   the   soil  except  from 

*  Upon  reading  this  chapter  to  a  slaveholder  from  an 
agricultural  district,  he  objected  to  the  above,  stating,  that  in 
his  neighbourhood,  there  was  a  very  manifest  rivalry  among 
the  slaves  of  different  plantations,  to  make  the  best  crop  of 
cotton,  and  a  feeling  of  pride  among  those  that  succeeded. 
I  very  cheerfully  give  his  statement  a  place,  and  should  be 
happy  to  learn  that  the  same  was  true  of  the  slave  states 
extensively. 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  oo 

habit ;  and  the  force  of  his  application  is  a  com 
pact  between  his  sluggish  indifference  and  the 
value  he  sets  upon  the  ill  or  good  will  of  his 
master.  He  has  no  motive  to  be  saving  or  econo 
mical;  for  every  thing  around  him  belongs  to 
another.  He  is  a  machine  impelled  by  extraneous 
force — just  like  a  watch,  which  will  go  as  long 
as  it  is  wound  up ;  and,  like  a  watch,  the  slave 
must  be  wound  up  every  day;  he  must  have 
his  orders  daily,  and  must  have  a  command 
repeated  every  time  a  certain  service  is  required, 
although  it  may  be  only  "  to  water  the  horse,"  or 
"  shut  the  gate."  His  want  of  care,  his  negligence 
and  forgetfulness,  are  complete — established  traits 
of  character.  Of  consequence,  a  great  deal  of  his 
labour,  inefficient  as  it  is,  is  unproductive,  or  ren 
dered  of  no  avail. 

It  is  a  common  remark  of  those  persons  ac 
quainted  with  slave-labour,  and  northern  free- 
labour,  that  their  proportion  is  as  one  to  two.  This 
is  not  too  great  an  estimate  in  favour  of  the  free 
labourer  ;  and  the  circumstances  of  their  situation 
produce  a  still  greater  disparity.  The  absence  of 
motive,  and  the  consequent  want  of  mental  energy 
to  give  vigor  to  the  arm  of  the  slave,  is  the  source 
of  another  great  drawback  upon  the  usefulness  of 
his  labour.  His  implements  or  tools  are  at  least 
one-third  (in  some  instances  more  than  twofold) 
heavier  and  stronger  than  the  northern  man's,  to 
counteract  his  want  of  skill  and  interest  in  his 
work.  A  negro  hoe  or  scythe  would  be  a  curi 
osity  to  a  New  England  farmer.  Of  course  the 


84  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

extra  exertion  required  in  the  use  of  these  tools,  is 
a  deduction  from  the  profit  of  his  labour.  All  his 
manufacturing  and  repairing,  except  regular  trades 
men,  of  which  there  are  some  respectable  workmen 
at  the  South,  are  of  the  rudest  kind  ;  and  a  northern 
man,  seeing  his  heavy  cart  attached  to  a  mule,  with 
the  relics  of  a  harness,  kept  together  by  cords  and 
straps,  is  at  once  led  to  reflect  upon  the  probable 
advancement  the  American  negro  has  made  in 
mechanical  ingenuity  over  his  brethren  on  the  banks 
of  the  Goliba. 

There  is  another  view  of  this  subject  to  be  taken 
also,  in  the  light  of  political  economy;  and  that  is 
the  influence  of  slavery  upon  the  white  population. 
Some  writer  has  said  "  every  man  is  as  lazy  as  he 
can  be  ;"  but  the  remark  should  be  taken  with  the 
same  limitation  as  that,  in  which  the  inspired 
Psalmist  called  "  all  men  liars ;"  he  said  it  "  in  his 
haste."  Notwithstanding,  there  is  one  denuncia 
tion  in  the  Bible,  which  mankind,  in  all  ages  and 
countries,  have  regarded  with  peculiar  dislike,  and 
used  all  their  efforts  to  shun.  There  is  indeed, 
comparatively,  a  few  who  have  looked  upon  this 
denunciation  as  a  blessing  in  disguise,  and  have 
therefore  cheerfully  acquiesced  in  it ;  but  their  num 
ber  has  always  been  so  small,  and  they  themselves 
adjudged  by  the  world  to  be  a  class  of  old-fashioned, 
mean-spirited  beings,  that  they  have  made  very 
few  converts  to  their  faith  or  practice.  The  pas 
sage  alluded  to  may  be  found  in  one  of  the  first 
chapters  of  Genesis,  and  reads  thus — "  in  the  sweat 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  85 

of  thy  face  shalt  thou  eat  bread,"  which  in  modern 
paraphrase  is  generally  understood  to  mean,  "thou 
shalt  work  for  a  living."  Of  all  the  punishments 
inflicted  or  threatened  upon  man  by  his  Creator, 
this  appears  to  be  regarded  as  the  greatest,  and 
men  have  exercised  every  ingenuity  to  escape  it. 

But  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  southern 
men  or  slaveholders  are  sinners  above  all  others 
in  this  respect ;  for  the  New  Englander  has  at 
heart  as  great  a  horror  of  the  spade  and  hoe  :  but 
the  former  has  a  great  advantage  over  the  latter 
in  situation,  being  supplied  with  a  plenty  of  other 
hands,  in  the  sweat  of  whose  faces,  instead  of  his 
own,  he  eats  bread.  The  wealthy  planter  need 
not  work,  and  does  not,  neither  does  the  wealthy 
northern  farmer.  On  lands  fertile  in  soil,  and 
large  in  extent,  he  can  bid  defiance  to  Franklin's 
maxim, — 

"  Whoever  by  the  plough  would  thrive, 
Himself  must  either  hold  or  drive" — 

as  he  has  one  or  two  grades  of  officers  between 
himself  and  the  labourer ;  and  therefore  takes  but 
little  interest  in  the  detail  of  his  great  estate.  Be 
tween  these  proprietors  of  the  first  class,  and  those 
whites  who  are  absolutely  poor,  there  are  a  num 
ber  of  grades  which,  in  proportion  to  the  quality  of 
their  lands  and  the  number  of  their  slaves,  are  en 
abled  to  live  more  or  less  at  their  ease,  in  respect  to 
worldly  competence.  But  most  of  these  take  some 
8 


86  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

direct  and  daily  interest  in  the  management  of  their 
estates. 

A  class  of  these,  in  moderate  rather  than  affluent 
circumstances,  probably  enjoy  life  with  more  real 
satisfaction,  than  any  other.  With  a  few  negroes, 
not  more  than  they  can  personally  superintend,  and 
not  enough  to  preclude  the  necessity  of  their  con 
stant  supervision,  and  assistance  in  labour — they 
work  almost  as  regular  and  perseveringly  as  the 
New  England  farmer.  Many  of  this  class  are  also 
wise  enough  to  bring  their  sons  up  to  labour — take 
them  into  the  field,  and  put  them  side  by  side  with 
the  slave.  This  is  the  most  virtuous  and  truly 
independent  class  of  southern  men,  the  true  lords 
of  the  soil — the  strong  framework  of  society.  In 
all  these  classes,  except  perhaps  the  highest,  the 
negligence  and  carelessness  of  the  negro  requires 
a  degree  of  vigilance,  and  causes  an  amount  of 
anxiety,  which  makes  a  large  deduction  from  the 
ease  of  the  master. 

And  besides,  the  fixed  habits  of  the  negro  have 
exerted  a  powerful  influence  to  the  master's  injury. 
The  latter  seems  from  a  kind  of  necessity  to  have 
accommodated  himself  to  the  slovenly  course  of 
the  slave.  There  appears  to  be  a  great  want  of 
method,  and  destitution  of  energy  in  almost  every 
thing  about  him.  His  inclosed  fields  are  too  large 
for  profitable  culture;  his  pastures  generally  open 
in  commons  ;  his  fences  rude  and  out  of  repair ; 
and  his  buildings  and  tools,  and  vehicles,  not  of  the 
best  construction  for  available  profit.  There  is  an 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  87 

appearance  of  want  of  thrift  generally,  which  strikes 
an  observer  from  the  old  states  of  the  north,  as 
evidence  that  there  is  some  cause  operating  exten 
sively  against  the  inhabitants,  preventing  them  from 
reaping  the  natural  benefits  of  their  situation,  with 
respect  to  climate,  soil,  and  local  advantages. 

But  there  is  another  class  of  whites,  equal  per 
haps  to  all  the  others  in  number,  upon  which  slavery 
has  had  an  indirect  but  decided   influence.     In  a 
country  where  slaves  perform  all  or  nearly  all  the 
work,  it  cannot  be  expected  that  labour  will  be 
considered  respectable  ;   and  this  public  sentiment 
of  the  rich  operates  with  fatal  influence  upon  the 
energy  of  the  poor  man.     By  a  poor  man  is  meant 
one  too  indigent  to  own  slaves.     As  a  general  fact, 
they  are  unwilling  to  be  hired,  to  go  into  the  field 
with  the  slave.     Some  of  them  are  overseers  or 
managers  for  the  planters,  a  situation  I  believe  in 
which  few  accumulate  property.     Many  of  them 
possess  considerable  tracts  of  land  (which  is  very 
cheap)   from  which,  in  the   vicinity  of  navigable 
waters,  they  carry  considerable  quantities  of  wood 
to  market.     Many  of  them  near  the  large  towns 
are  small  gardeners,  others   are  sailors,  boatmen^ 
fishermen, — while  great  numbers  probably  depend 
more  on  their  dogs  and  guns,  and  female  industry, 
for  support,  than  any  regular  business.     As  a  body, 
so  far  as  the  writer  can  judge,  the  class  of  poor 
whites  are  ignorant.     Great  numbers  even  in  the 
Old  Dominion  can  neither  read  nor  write.     In  this 
respect,  however,  there  is  a  better  prospect  for  the 


88  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

children.  And  I  need  not  prove,  that  as  a  body, 
the  poor  class  of  whites  in  the  slave  states  are 
vicious,  if  rum  drinking,  profanity,  and  laziness 
entitle  men  to  that  appellation.  To  what  extent 
the  effects  here  spoken  of  are  to  be  attributed  to 
slavery,  must  be  left  for  others  to  decide. 

VIII.  I  shall  probably  be  met  here  with  the 
assertion,  that  the  South,  even  with  its  slave  labour, 
produces  three  fourths  of  all  the  exports  of  the 
country ;  and  shall  be  asked  how  this  fact  is  recon 
cilable  with  the  wastefulness  of  that  labour,  and  the 
poverty  it  tends  to  produce. 

This  will  bring  us  to  a  consideration  of  the 
influence  of  slavery,  in  respect  to  political  economy. 
The  fact  is  conceded,  that  the  states  of  the  South 
produce  most  of  the  exports  of  the  nation  in  numer 
ical  amount;  but  it  does  not  thence  follow,  that 
these  states  are  adding  to  individual  and  national 
prosperity  in  the  same  proportion.  Slavery  and 
slave  labour  are  inherently  the  same  in  all  parts  of 
the  world,  but  various  circumstances  modify  their 
influence  in  different  states  and  countries.  In 
Alabama  and  Louisiana  slave  labour  is  more  valua 
ble  than  in  Virginia — not  because  the  slave  is  more 
industrious  or  less  wasteful — but  because  the  arti 
cles  he  produces  are  more  profitable.  In  many 
parts  of  Virginia,  a  slave  in  cultivating  corn  will 
hardly  produce  his  own  support;  take  the  same 
slave  to  Mississippi,  and  with  the  same  time  and 
exertion  of  labour  in  producing  cotton,  he  would 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  89 

be  worth  annually  several  hundred  dollars  clear 
profit.  Evidently  then,  the  advantage  is  not  in  the 
slave,  but  in  his  situation. 

The  South,  from  its  local  position,  possesses  a 
monopoly  of  one  of  the  greatest  staples  of  traffic 
in  the  commercial  world.  Its  virgin  soil  produces 
cotton  in  abundance,  and  the  demand  for  the  arti 
cle  in  all  the  manufacturing  districts  of  Europe 
and  America,  in  this  age  of  universal  peace,  and 
improvements  in  the  arts,  sustains  a  price  which 
affords  an  enormous  profit.  It  has  been  stated  that 
the  labour  of  a  slave  in  producing  cotton  or  sugar, 
would  in  two  or  three  years  amount  to  his  value, 
1000  or  1500  dollars. 

Much  is  said  at  this  day  about  national  prosper 
ity,  but  without  definition,  it  is  a  mere  abstract 
term,  and  has  no  political  meaning.  If  by  national 
prosperity  is  meant,  the  useful  and  profitable  em 
ployment  of  all  the  individuals  of  a  nation;  and  at 
the  same  time  suitable  provision  for  increase  of 
population,  then  the  expression  has  a  very  significant 
meaning.  If  the  individuals  of  a  nation  are  pros 
perous,  it  will  be  a  prosperous  nation  of  course. 
That  the  cotton  states  produce  national  prosperity 
in  this  sense,  by  adding  to  the  profitable  employ 
ment  of  individuals,  is  very  true ;  but  the  least  part 
of  this  prosperity  is  realized  at.  the  south.  Let  us 
enter  into  an  examination  of  this  statement.  In 
conformity  with  southern  usage,  we  shall  consider 
the  whites  alone  as  population  or  individuals, 
leaving  the  slaves  entirely  out  of  view,  as  passive 
8* 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

agents,  or  mere  cattle.  Now,  how  the  planter  can 
be  said  to  be  usefully  or  profitably  employed — in 
cultivating  a  square  mile  of  cotton  with  200  labour 
ers, — thus  absorbing  the  means  of  sustaining  100 
individuals,  I  do  not  see.  With  all  this  estate  he 
can  live  in  but  one  house,  eat  and  drink,  and  sleep 
for  one,  and  enjoy  life  only  as  an  individual.  True, 
he  may  travel,  possess  fine  equipages,  be  clothed 
like  a  prince,  and  spend  money  like  a  prodigal — 
but  this  does  not  improve  his  land,  add  to  his  re 
sources,  nor  make  room  for  an  increase  of  popu 
lation. 

Again,  the  cotton  which  he  produces  (without 
other  human  agents)  is  carried  to  New  or  Old 
England,  and  in  the  process  of  manufacture  em 
ploys  100  persons,  or  20  families  ;  each  of  which 
must  have  a  house  to  live  in ;  and  must  have  food 
and  clothing,  giving  useful  employment  to  many 
others.  Now  which  possesses  the  greatest  resour 
ces  of  prosperity,  the  plantation  of  the  cotton  culti 
vator,  or  the  place  (suppose  the  same  extent  of 
territory)  where  the  cotton  is  manufactured  ?  The 
former  contains  a  population  of  one  or  two  fami 
lies,  and  one  or  two  houses ;  the  latter  contains 
a  population  of  twenty  families,  in  twenty  houses, 
with  plenty  of  vacant  room  for  more,  the  price  of 
which  is  continually  advancing,  as  new  houses  are 
called  for :  as  the  number  of  manufacturing  opera 
tives  is  increased,  the  demand  for  other  mechanics 
is  extended,  and  the  increased  consumption  of 


, 


TO   SLAVEHOLDERS.  91 

agricultural  products  greatly  enhances  the  value 
and  price  of  land. 

Now  let  us  enlarge  the  scale,  without  changing 
the  principle.  On  ten  thousand  square  miles  of 
territory  are  five  thousand  cotton  planters — assu 
ming  that  the  cotton  land  of  each  is  one  half  of  his 
estate  or  plantation — having  splendid  houses  to  live 
in — immensely  rich — and  with  every  luxury  at 
command  which  money  will  purchase,  or  man  has 
a  capacity  to  enjoy.  On  the  other  hand,  on  ten 
thousand  square  miles  are  forty  thousand  families, 
and  although  not  living  in  the  same  splendour — use 
fully  and  profitably  employed.  In  the  latter  case, 
the  activity  of  the  people,  and  the  increase  and 
facilities  of  business  invite  population ;  the  very 
circumstances  of  the  former  repel  it.  Now  which 
of  these  communities  adds  most  to  the  wealth  and 
strength  of  a  nation?  In  case  of  war,  which 
would  most  likely  be  attacked?  That  where 
wealth  was  concentrated  in  a  few  hands,  or  that 
where  conquest  would  afford  the  least  plunder  in 
proportion  to  the  inhabitants,  and  where  an  attack 
would  be  opposed  by  a  greater  force  1  In  which 
of  these  communities  will  there  probably  be  the 
greatest  improvement  and  skill  in  the  useful  arts : 
the  most  activity,  industry,  and  physical  and 
mental  energy  ?  Which  of  them  will  most  proba 
bly  establish  and  sustain  schools,  and  become  an 
intelligent  community  1 

If  the  foregoing  contrast  is  founded  on  facts  and 
reason,  the  southern  planter  may  see  the  direct 


92  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

tendency  and  result  of  the  system  on  which  he 
acts.  His  productions  are  a  source  of  great 
national  prosperity  (in  a  nation  so  extensive  and 
various  as  ours),  but  unfortunately  they  benefit  him 
self  and  his  part  of  the  nation  the  least.*  The 
cotton  states  add  immensely  more  to  the  wealth^ 
resources,  and  strength  of  England,  than  they  do 
to  themselves — but  this  is  no  fault  of  the  former, 
rather  their  own.  She  is  pursuing  a  course  which 
invites  an  increase  of  active  population ;  and  which 
gives  momentum  and  energy  to  every  branch  of 
industry — every  department  of  science ;  they  repel 
such  population.  Hence  they  pay  an  exorbitant 
tax  for  the  services  of  transient  mechanics  and 
merchants,  who  retire  to  spend  their  profits  else 
where.  The  grand  secret  is  the  difference  in  their 

*  The  aggregate  of  southern  exports  is  immense  in  annual 
amount — so  many  millions  for  cotton — so  many  for  rice^ 
sugar,  and  tobacco.  But  it  is  easily  demonstrable  that  the 
amount  of  northern  agricultural  production,  independent  of 
her  commerce  and  manufactures,  exceeds  that  of  the  South, 
even  in  proportion  to  her  population.  This  is  true  of  the 
two  sections  taken  as  a  whole,  or  of  any  particular  portions 
compared  together.  For  instance,  the  annual  amount  of  pro 
duction  of  western  New- York  or  Ohio,  from  the  forest,  the 
grass  and  grain  fields,  the  pastures  and  gardens,  will  exceed 
the  amount  from  an  equal  territory,  selected  from  any  portion 
of  the  South.  The  great  difference  is,  the  productions  of  the 
latter  are  sent  abroad,  while  those  of  the  latter  are  consumed 
at  home;  and,  therefore,  not  so  tangible  or  visible,  except  in 
the  progressive  improvement,  and  rise  and  accumulation  of 
property  in  the  immediate  section  itself. 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  93 

systems.  The  manufacturing  country  (if  free)  must 
necessarily  expand  itself.  The  system  of  the  South 
will  not  bear  expansion. 

And  this  system  is  alike  unfavourable  to  the 
development  of  internal  resources,  of  physical  and 
moral  power.  With  their  monopoly  of  products, 
and  fertility  of  soil,  the  states  of  the  South  ought  to 
be  the  richest  in  the  world.  Those  on  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  possess  a  mine  in  these  respects,  which 
might  produce  wealth  enough  to  plate  their  surface 
with  silver.  But  the  blessings  of  Providence  are 
poured  into  their  lap  in  such  profusion,  that  frail 
human  nature  is  incapable  of  making  the  best  use 
of  them.  They  spend  their  immense  incomes  in 
personal  accomplishments,  in  personal  enjoyments, 
in  lordly  munifience.  Each  man  is  for  himself, 
living  and  enjoying  in  his  isolated  grandeur;  never 
dreaming  that  there  is  any  bottom  to  the  fertility 
of  his  soil,  or  limit  to  his  pleasures.  His  individual 
(personal)  prosperity  is  apparently  unbounded  and 
enviable.  But  it  is  delusive.  He  is,  politically,  like 
a  man  in  a  balloon,  sailing  at  an  amazing  elevation 
above  the  rest  of  the  world,  but  liable  every  mo 
ment  to  be  dashed  down  to  earth.  His  children 
are  not  so  likely  to  be  taught  the  value  of  time,  of 
money,  of  character,  of  morals,  of  physical  energy. 
One  certain  result  of  that  indolence  and  luxurious 
mode  of  living,  consequent  upon  the  sudden  influx 
and  increase  of  wealth  in  a  family  or  state,  is  to 
effeminate  the  physical  powers,  deteriorating  man 
more  and  more  in  every  successive  generation. 


94  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

Rome  in  her  richest  days  was  in  similar  circum 
stances  to  the  states  enjoying  this  monopoly,  and 
she  sunk  under  the  burden.  Central  Italy  was  too 
much  occupied  in  war,  and  her  freemen  were  too 
proud  to  labour,  while  the  necessaries  and  luxuries 
of  life  were  profusely  supplied  by  the  distant  pro 
vinces.  These,  although  possessed  by  the  wealthy 
patricians  of  Rome,  were  cultivated  by  slaves  so  de 
graded  and  brutalized,  as  to  offer  no  resistance 
even  to  barbarian  invaders.  Hence,  between  the 
luxurious  effeminacy  of  the  masters,  and  the  despic 
able  condition  of  the  labourers,  the  empire  became 
an  easy  and  an  inviting  prey. 

But  a  more  exact  parallel  may  be  drawn  between 
these  states  and  the  mining  countries  of  Mexico 
and  South  America.  So  utterly  subversive  of  all 
moral  principle,  and  all  physical  energy,  is  the 
acquisition  of  great  wealth  without  personal  effort, 
that  these  countries,  although  possessing  the  very 
fountains  of  money — whence  the  streams  flow  all 
over  the  world — are  among  the  weakest  in  power, 
and  the  most  abandoned  in  morals :  while  the 
passion  for  gold,  absorbing  all  other  passions  and 
interests,  has  entirely  paralysed  the  energies  of 
the  mother  country,  and  in  two  centuries,  almost 
completely  prostrated  one  of  the  proudest  and 
most  powerful  states  in  Christendom.  I  do  not 
say  the  South  would  ever  descend  so  low  in  the 
scale  of  moral  and  mental  degradation  as  these 
states — it  is  in  a  great  measure  free  from  their 
ignorance,  and  from  the  influence  of  a  corrupt, 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  95 

irresponsible  priesthood  ;  but  the  tendency  of  its 
system — the  accumulation  of  the  wealth  of  the 
state — and  that  wealth  immense  in  comparatively 
a  few  hands,  is  precisely  the  same ;  and,  unless  hu 
man  nature  is  changed,  must  lead  to  the  same 
result. 

IX.  Now,  permit  me  to  ask  the  southern  planter 
if  it  would  not  be  better  for  him,  better  for  his 
state  and  section,  better  for  the  nation,  and  better 
in  every  point  of  view,  to  divide  his  twelve 
hundred  acres,  or  twro  square  miles  of  land,  into 
farms  of  one  hundred  acres  each,  and  farm  it 
out  to  twelve  men  or  families.  By  giving  them, 
long  leases  (on  the  English  system),  these  tenants 
would  have  a  direct  interest  in  preserving  the 
fertility  of  the  rich,  and  replenishing  the  exhausted 
soils ;  and  by  actual  personal  inspection  of  the 
whole — and  that  prudent  economical  management 
which  men  generally  exercise  in  their  own  con 
cerns — greatly  increase  the  amount  of  production. 
If,  by  this  means,  the  planter  should  obtain  the 
same  income  from  his  estate  that  he  does  at  pre 
sent,  and  at  the  same  time  his  estate'  should  sup 
port  twelve  other  industrious  families,  would  he 
not  enhance  the  value  of  his  own  property,  and 
add  to  the  resources  of  his  community  ? 

By  being  relieved  of  the  responsibility  and  anxi 
ety  of  watching  and  directing  one  or  two  hundred 
idle,  wasteful,  and  refractory  hands,  would  he  not 
be  happier  ?  As  long  as  he  remains  isolated  in  his 


96  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

present  situation,  he  cannot  improve  his  property. 
He  will  wear  out  and  exhaust,  but  will  not  re 
plenish.  He  will  be  behind  the  age  in  construct 
ing  internal  improvements  for  the  public  good. 
Old  Virginia  will  show  him  by  ocular  proof  the 
inevitable  result  of  his  own  system.  She  practised 
it  on  a  soil,  perhaps  somewhat  originally  inferior 
to  that  of  Alabama,  and  a  hundred  and  fifty 
years  has  exhausted  her  entirely.  Let  him  go 
to  the  North,  and  examine  the  condition  of  the 
same  extent  of  land  as  his  own  plantation, — see 
the  number  of  inhabitants  on  it — the  industrious 
competition  continually  active — and  he  may  at 
once  see  the  reason  why  real  estate  is  continually 
advancing  in  all  the  old  free  states,  and  actually 
declining  in  the  old  settled  parts  of  the  slave  states. 
He  may  easily  tell  the  reason  why  Massachusetts, 
with  its  bogs,  and  rocks,  and  cold  climate,  would 
sell  in  market  for  more  money  than  old  Virginia, 
with  her  double  population,  her  eightfold  extent, 
her  navigable  waters,  and  unrivalled  situation. 
Let  him  compare  their  systems  of  operation,  and 
he  will  see  further,  that  if  the  population  of  Mas 
sachusetts  were  placed  in  Virginia,  it  would,  in  a 
few  years,  resuscitate  the  exhaustion  of  her  mari 
time  section,  tunnel  her  mountains  to  the  Ohio,  and 
bring  to  light  the  inexhaustible  mineral  wealth 
hidden  in  her  interior.  He  would  see,  that  one- 
fourth  of  the  population  of  Virginia,  carrying  with 
them  the  Virginia  system,  spread  all  over  the 
former  state,  would  soon  perish  with  famine. 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  97 

In  stating  this  contrast,  I  have  made  but  slight 
reference  to  the  question  of  morals,  or  of  human 
rights.  But  they  must  enter  deeply  into  every 
question  affecting  the  welfare  of  society.  That 
luxury  and  pride,  idleness  and  haughty  independ 
ence,  almost  certainly  follow  the  acquisition 
of  sudden  wealth,  requires  no  proof.  Impiety 
to  God,  and  hard-heartedness  to  man,  follow  in 
the  train.  That  the  morals  of  the  South  are  not 
too  deeply  imbued  with  that  spirit  of  meekness  and 
forbearance  which  the  Bible  inculcates,  is  evident 
from  the  number  of  gentlemanly  assassinations  in 
affrays  and  duels  which  so  frequently  occur. 
With  regard  to  human  rights,  there  are  some  per 
sons  who  would  be  inclined  to  ask  in  their  simpli 
city  whether  it  is  right  for  one  man  to  make  two 
hundred  fellow-beings,  (perhaps  as  honest,  as  vir 
tuous,  as  capable  of  improvement  as  himself), 
labour,  that  he  may  spend  their  earnings  accord 
ing  to  his  pleasure.  And  the  time  will  come  when 
this  question  will  be  asked  at  the  South,  not  in 
corners  and  whispers,  but  openly  and  loudly, 
and  all  over  the  South.  And  the  social  agitation 
which  will  accompany  this  inquiry,  will  give  the 
people  new  eyes  to  see  things,  which,  although 
lying  on  the  very  surface  of  society,  unyielding 
prejudice  has  hither  prevented  them  from  seeing. 
I  invoke  the  hastening  of  this  period  from  motives 
of  sincere  regard  for  the  best  interests  and  welfare 
of  the  South. 


98  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

X.  And  here,  I  am  aware  the  slaveholder  may, 
perhaps,  plead  the  unfairness  of  this  contrast  so  far 
as  slavery  is  concerned,  and  contend  that  the 
manufacturing  section,  when  densely  populated, 
will  produce  a  class  of  labourers,  poor,  ignorant, 
and  debased — slaves  in  every  thing  but  the  name. 
Candour  must  admit  that  this  plea  is  not  without 
weight.  It  has  weight.  The  tendency  of  large 
manufactories  is  the  same  as  large  slave  planta 
tions,  viz.  to  absorb  the  wealth  of  the  state,  and 
place  it  in  a  few  hands.  And  whenever  the  manu 
facturers  should  outnumber  the  agricultural  popu 
lation,  the  result  would  be  a  controlling  influence 
of  an  irresponsible,  wealthy  aristocracy.  Experi 
ence  proves  that  the  influence  of  manufacturing 
upon  labourers  is  bad  ;  as  a  class  they  are  ex 
ceedingly  improvident,  and  the  peculiar  circum 
stances  of  their  situation,  fosters  ignorance, 
licentiousness,  and  intemperance.  In  view  of  this, 
the  legislatures  of  some  of  the  states  have  enacted 
laws  compelling  the  education  of  the  children. 
By  banishing  ardent  spirits,  also,  the  rapid  descent 
of  this  class  to  abject  poverty  and  degradation  will 
be  arrested.  But  as  soon  as  the  demand  for  manu 
facturing  labourers  shall  be  exceeded  by  the  supply, 
competition  will  reduce  the  wages  to  a  bare  sub 
sistence,  and  then  the  employer  will  control  the 
labourer,  almost  without  responsibility:  for  what 
is  now  common,  viz.  so  great  a  degree  of  poverty, 
as  to  be  unable  to  remove  a  family  from  one  factory 
to  another,  will  then  be  nearly  universal.  Nothing 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

but  law  and  public  opinion  will  then  interpose  in 
favour  of  the  labourer,  and  these  have  always  been 
a  very  feeble  barrier  to  wealthy  aggression.  If 
the  remark  of  an  English  manufacturer  to  the 
writer  is  to  be  credited,  the  females  in  the  English 
factories  are  as  much  in  the  power  of  their  masters 
as  the  southern  slave,  and  perhaps  as  vicious. 

And  yet  at  the  worst,  there  is  an  immeasurable 
distance  between  the  slave  and  free  labourer.    The 
former  is    entirely  passive,   the  latter  voluntary. 
No  ray  of  mental  light  can  reach  the  slave.     If  he 
could  see  his  chains,  he  would  make  an  effort  to 
break  them.     But  the  freeman  has  liberty  to  rise, 
and  may  surmount  the  hardships  of  his  state,  and 
become  a  prominent  man  in  society.     The  institu 
tions  of  the  state,  and  public  sentiment,  both  invite 
him  to  educate  his  children.     There  is  no  obliga 
tion  to  hinder  him  from  leaving  his  employment  at 
any  moment,  but  such  as  he  has  imposed  upon  him 
self.     If  he  is  not  a  slave  to  vice,  the  most  grievous 
of  all  slavery,  there  is  always  hope  of  his  rising  in 
the  world.     Actual  slavery  destroys   its  victim  at 
once,  and  is   no  worse  in  generations — but   the 
descent  and  degradation  of  the  free  labourer  is  gra 
dual,  and  is  frequently  a  long  period  in  reaching 
its   ultimate  depression.     I    cannot   conceive    an 
obtuseness  of  intellect  so  great,  as  not  to  perceive 
a  radical  difference  between  the  two  cases. 

But  there  is  no  necessity  or  propriety  in  drawing 
a  comparison  between  the  slave  and  the  manufac 
turing  labourer.  I  bespeak  no  indulgence,  and  shun 


100  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

no  responsibilities,  in  declaring  (from  actual  know 
ledge  of  both)  that  the  lower  class  of  whites  at  the 
South  are  as  poor,  as  ignorant,  as  vicious,  to  say 
the  least,  as  the  labouring  operatives  in  the  northern 
manufactories.  Taken  as  an  average,  as  a  body, 
or  as  individuals,  the  latter  will  not  suffer  in  com 
parison. 

In  leaving  this  part  of  the  subject,  I  wish  to 
make  a  few  observations  to  prevent  misapprehen 
sions  respecting  what  has  been  stated  of  the  south 
ern  system  of  labour. 

Nothing  in  the  foregoing  remarks  was  intended 
to  bear,  in  the  least,  against  the  great  business  of 
the  South — but  against  the  mode  of  conducting  it. 
The  Almighty  Disposer,  who  allots  to  men  their 
destiny  in  this  life,  has  evidently  designed  these 
states  to  be  agricultural ;  and  in  their  fertility, 
facilities  of  production,  and  in  a  monopoly  of 
cotton,  they  are  indebted  to  Him  for  a  source  of 
wealth,  an  amount  and  aggregate  of  profit,  which 
no  other  community  ever  possessed.  They  only 
need  to  avail  themselves  of  the  best  plan  of  opera 
tions  for  applying  their  resources  to  this  business, 
to  be  immensely  rich  and  powerful.  The  product 
is  immense,  and  so  is  the  profit:  both  might  be 
increased.  But  it  would  seem  they  are  dissatis 
fied  with  their  circumstances,  and  aim  at  grasping 
the  business  of  their  northern  neighbours.  Let  them 
be  reminded  of  the  fable — "  of  the  dog  carrying  the 
meat  over  the  river."  If  I  were  an  enemy  to  the 
South,  I  would  encourage  the  "plan"  to  render 


TO   SLAVEHOLDERS.  101 

themselves  "  independent  of  the  North,"  by  export 
ing  their  own  produce  and  importing  their  own 
goods.  That  they  can  buy  goods  as  cheap  in 
England  or  France,  as  northern  merchants,  cannot 
be  doubted ;  but  that  they  can  build  ships  and 
carry  on  commerce,  and  diffuse  foreign  merchan 
dize  through  the  interior,  as  cheap  as  can  be  done 
at  the  North,  is  out  of  the  question,  unless  they  can 
anticipate  a  period  of  fifty  years ;  for  to  this 
amount  of  time,  the  North  are  ahead  of  them,  in 
these  respects :  and  it  is  but  a  poor  compliment  to 
themselves,  to  suppose  the  North  has  any  design  of 
injuring  the  South,  in  her  manufactures  or  com 
merce.  The  North  was  driven  to  extend  her  inter 
est  in  these  by  the  force  of  circumstances.  The 
poverty  of  her  soil,  and  the  severity  of  her  climate 
compelled  her  increasing  population  to  seek  other 
channels  of  active  business;  and  it  was  only  by 
perseverance  against  obstacles,  and  by  a  gradual 
progress,  that  her  commerce  and  manufactures 
reached  their  present  elevation.  The  increase  of 
these,  naturally  led  to  the  construction  of  canals 
and  railroads.  But  none  of  these  great  enterprizes 
can  be  successfully  carried  on  without  a  dense 
population.  This  is  also  necessary,  in  order  to 
develop  the  internal  resources  of  a  state.  Has  the 
South  so  far  extended  her  cultivation,  that  she  can 
spare  labourers  to  dig  the  ore  and  work  iron,  to 
build  ships,  to  man  them,  to  manufacture  goods, 
which  she  now  receives  from  the  North?  If  not, 
then  she  will  not  succeed  any  better  in  extending 
9* 


102  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

her  commerce  and  manufactures,  than  would  the 
middle  states,  in  endeavouring  to  cultivate  their 
own  cotton.  Each  would  be  out  of  the  sphere 
in  which  Providence  evidently  designed  it  to  act. 
But  perhaps  the  South  covet  the  profits  of  the  North. 
Let  them  rather  take  good  care  of  their  own.  I 
am  no  merchant,  but  will  guaranty  that  the  im 
porters,  ship  owners,  manufacturers,  and  merchants 
of  New  York,  will  exchange  profits  on  the  capital 
invested  in  their  employments,  for  the  profits  on 
an  equal  amount  invested  in  cotton  cultivation.  If 
the  South  are  fearful  of  becoming  "  dependent"  let 
them  make  the  proposition.  This  "  plan"  before 
mentioned  seems  to  be  started  as  an  offsett  to  north 
ern  abolition.  The  scheme  is  entirely  worthy  of 
that  which  gave  it  birth :  and  I  cannot  but  hope 
and  believe,  for  the  best  good  of  the  country,  and 
the  whole  country,  that  either  will  be  discounte 
nanced  and  abandoned  before  it  involves  its  own 
section  of  the  Union  in  disaster  and  distress. 

XI.  It  may  not  be  improper,  after  giving  my 
views  of  slavery  and  slaveholding,  to  offer  the 
South  some  information  respecting  the  state  of 
public  sentiment  at  the  North.  On  this  point,  a 
right  understanding  is  of  immense  importance.  A 
spirit  of  jealousy  and  suspicion  is  awakened  in 
each  section  of  the  Union,  leading  to  crimination 
and  threatening  ;  and  this  arises  chiefly  from  igno 
rance  of  each  other's  views  and  circumstances.  It 
was  a  principal  object  of  the  writer  in  commencing 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 


103 

this  appeal,  to  remove  this  ignorance,  and  if  possi 
ble  make  the  great  mass  of  the  people  on  each  side 
better  acquainted  with  each  other.  If  this  is 
effected,  there  is  hope  that  the  question  may  be 
amicably  settled.  I  have  often  thought  it  must  be 
difficult  for  the  people  of  the  South  to  form  any 
correct  opinion  of  northern  feeling  on  this  subject, 
from  the  various  and  contradictory  statements  of 
the  press.  One  will  aver  that  abolitionits  are 
silenced  :  another  will  declare  they  are  increasing. 
One  states  that  the  North  is  sound  on  this  subject, 
and  the  slaveholder  has  nothing  to  fear  ;  another 
comes  out  boldly,  and  connecting  the  subject  of 
free  discussion,  declares  that  the  North  are  all  for 
abolition. 

The  fact  is,  the  free  states,  as  a  people,  have  not 
yet  spoken  on  this  subject.  They  are  a  deliberate, 
thinking  community,  not  easily  excited  ;  and  there 
is  no  great  question  of  universal  and  absorbing 
interest  like  slavery  among  them,  to  draw  out 
public  sentiment.  I  will  venture,  as  an  individual, 
to  make  two  statements,  as  facts,  respecting  the 
people  of  the  free  states. 

First.  They  generally,  almost  universally,  hold 
slavery  in  abhorrence.  This  is  the  settled  feeling 
and  conviction  of  their  hearts.  They  believe  it  to 
be  cruel  wrong  to  the  slave,  and  as  far  as  they  have 
information,  believe  it  to  be  deeply  injurious  to  the 
masters.  These  are  their  views  respecting  slavery 
in  the  abstract — slavery  everywhere.  These  are 
the  reasons  which  influenced  them  to  abolish  it 


104  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

among  themselves,  and  which  will  always  deter 
mine  them  to  reject  it. 

Second.  I  believe  there  is  a  firmly  settled  con 
viction,  that  it  would  be  wrong  for  them  to  take 
any  steps  to  enforce  abolition  at  the  South.  In 
addition  to  their  convictions  of  a  moral  nature  on 
this  subject,  there  is  a  very  general  belief  that  in 
the  compact  of  our  government,  slavery  was  fairly 
though  tacitly  recognized,  and  left  to  the  exclusive 
control  and  action  of  the  several  states  respectively. 
Just  in  this  position  they  are  now  inquiring  what 
is  their  duty  with  respect  to  any  action  on  the  sub 
ject;  and  even  if  the  South  should  now  dissolve 
the  Union,  they  would  still  inquire  and  deliberate, 
although  that  event  would  probably  hasten  their 
decision,  and  also,  probably  change  its  character. 

If  asked,  whether  abolition  is  increasing,  I  should 
answer,  yes.*  The  numerous  abolition  societies, 

*  Since  the  above  was  written,  circumstances  have  taken 
place  which  require  the  answer  to  this  question  to  be  some 
what  modified.  For  a  year  past,  the  mobbing  of  abolition 
ists  has  been  a  rare  occurrence,  and  so  far  as  the  limited 
observation  of  the  writer  has  extended,  the  consequences 
have  not  been  favourable  to  the  growth  of  immediate  aboli 
tion.  The  cause  of  that  incitement,  which  persecution  always 
gives  to  a  feeble  party  in  a  free,  intelligent  community,  being 
thus  removed,  the  abolitionists  appear  to  be  falling  out 
among  themselves,  and  earnestly  intent  upon  discovering  the 
true  Solomons  of  the  party.  It  is  to  be  hoped  for  the  honour 
of  our  country,  and  the  cause  of  free  discussion,  that  such 
disgraceful  scenes  will  no  more  be  enacted.  If  left  to  stand 
or  fall  on  their  own  merits,  the  good  sense  of  the  people  will 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  105 

and  the  increase  of  petitions  to  Congress,  are 
sufficient  evidence  of  the  fact;  but  there  is  no 
proof  in  this  that  the  North  will  ever  attempt  to 
force  abolition.  Nor  is  there  any  proof  within  the 
knowledge  of  the  writer,  that  any  abolitionists  have 
this  object  in  view.  As  a  body  they  entirely  dis 
claim  it.  Some  of  the  most  elevated  men  in  the 
free  states,  elevated  as  Christians,  as  statesmen,  as 
philanthropists,  men  who  are  favourably  known  on 
both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  are  decided  abolitionists 
in  sentiment,  and  unequivocally  disclaim  the  thought. 
The  abolitionists  disclaim  the  use  of  any  weapons 
but  those  of  persuasion  and  moral  force.  They 
have  adopted  the  plan  of  affiliated  societies,  which 
is  one  of  the  peculiar  features  of  the  age,  and 
adopted  by  all  sorts  of  interests.  As  a  means  of 
spreading  their  sentiments,  and  enlightening  public 
opinion,  they  employ  agents  to  lecture  on  the  sub 
ject,  and  distribute  their  publications.  They  take 
the  ground,  that  every  subject  among  a  free  people 
is  open  to  investigation — that  it  is  evidence  of  a 
bad  cause  to  shun  the  light — and  that  good  insti 
tutions  are  never  afraid  to  have  the  foundation  on 
which  they  stand  thoroughly  examined.  When 
questioned  respecting  their  object,  they  answer  that 
public  opinion  requires  to  be  enlightened  on  the 
subject.  When  the  North  is  brought  to  view 
slavery  in  its  proper  light — in  other  words,  as  they 

pass  a  verdict  upon  the  measures  of  the  abolitionists,  which, 
whether  it  be  condemnation  or  approval,  will  be  final ;  and 
in  that  verdict  every  good  citizen  will  acquiesce. 


10(5  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

view  it — they  expect  that  its  influence  will  be  felt 
with  such  weight  at  the  South  as  to  procure  volun 
tary  abolition. 

In  all  this,  there  is  nothing  illegal,  and  if  left  to 
themselves,  public  sentiment  at  the  North  will  pass 
a  righteous  verdict  upon  their  designs  and  mea 
sures.  But  their  numbers  have  been  increased, 
and  their  influence  extended  by  the  short-sighted 
zeal  and  the  reproaches  of  their  opponents.  Per 
secution  has  added  tenfold  to  their  societies,  and 
has  brought  the  subject  home  to  the  reflection  of 
tenfold  more  who  never  gave  it  reflection.  It  is 
astonishing  that  the  light  of  all  history  should  be 
lost  upon  the  present  age.  Persecution  never  failed 
in  a  free  country  to  build  up  a  sect  or  party,  which 
differed  from  the  majority  in  matters  of  opinion 
not  amenable  to  the  laws.  I  should  fear  the  spread 
of  Mohammedanism,  in  this  country,  were  one  of 
that  belief  located  among  us  to  be  ridiculed  and 
persecuted,  because  he  chose  to  pray  in  the  streets 
with  his  face  towards  Mecca. 

Apply  these  observations  to  facts  respecting 
abolitionists.  Look  at  New  York,  Boston,  and 
Utica,  where  the  violence  of  mobs  was  put  in  re 
quisition  to  break  up  their  meetings.  In  all  these 
places  they  have  increased  tenfold,  and  can  now 
meet,  and  say,  and  do  what  they  please,  and  pub 
lish  their  proceedings  without  fear.  It  is  a  principle 
of  republicanism,  which  the  North  will  adhere  to, 
while  she  is  worthy  of  freedom,  that  truth  and  error 
are  to  be  left  to  combat  each  other  in  open  field. 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  107 

While  on  this  subject,  I  wish  to  disabuse  the 
South  on  one  point.  The  great  excitement  in  the 
slave  states,  a  few  years,  ago,  was  followed  by 
meetings  in  various  parts  of  the  North,  disclaiming 
all  connection  with  the  abolitionists,  and  denounc 
ing  them  as  disunionists,  disturbers  of  the  peace, 
&c.  This  was  one  of  the  most  ridiculous  farces 
ever  enacted  in  a  civilized  community.  The  osten 
sible  object  was  to  convince  the  South  that  the 
North  wras  not  hostile  to  slavery  ;  the  real  design 
was  to  save  the  southern  market,  for  the  sale  of 
patent  yankee  notions.  The  writer  is  acquainted 
in  some  of  the  places  where  these  patriotic  meetings 
were  held,  and  he  doubts  not  if  the  views  of  the 
persons  assembled  had  been  honestly  expressed, 
the  preambles  to  their  resolutions  would  have  com 
menced  with  the  speech  of  the  silversmith  of 
Ephesus,  (Acts  xxv.  19) — whereas,  "  sirs,  ye 
know  that,  by  this  craft,  we  have  our  wealth." 
Every  high-minded  man  will  respect  those  manu 
facturers  more  (and  such  there  are),  who  are  open, 
avowed  abolitionists. 

XII.  Much  has  been  said  and  written  between 
the  North  and  South,  since  this  controversy  began, 
respecting  its  ultimate  tendency ;  and  the  separa 
tion  of  the  Union  has  been  repeatedly  and  loudly 
threatened.  This  subject  will  be  noticed  in  a  fu 
ture  page ;  but  I  beg  the  privilege  of  offering  a  few 
suggestions  on  this  head  for  the  reflection  of  south 
ern  men — leaving  to  their  judgment,  both  the  wis- 


108  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

dom  of  the  suggestions  and  the  motives  which 
prompted  them. 

The  threatenings  alluded  to  have  generally  come 
from  the  South,  and  some  persons  have  been  led  to 
fear  that  the  country  was  rapidly  verging  to  such 
a  catastrophe.  But  recent  observation  has  con 
vinced  me  that  many  northern  men  are  making  up 
their  minds  to  this  event,  and  that  the  North  will 
accept  the  dissolution,  if  it  must  come,  without 
reluctance.  From  such  a  period  to  our  national 
union,  may  Heaven  preserve  us. 

But  the  most  important  suggestion  I  have  to 
offer  the  South,  is — preserve  the  Union,  preserve  it 
at  any  sacrifice.  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say,  preserve 
it  at  the  expense  of  slavery.  It  will  be  the  less  of 
two  evils.  It  is  for  your  interest,  at  least  as  much 
as  for  the  North,  to  preserve  it.  Both  sections  might 
undoubtedly  exist  as  independent  nations,  but  they 
could  not  long  exist  in  peace.  Neither  individuals 
nor  communities  can  be  aware  of  the  ultimate  con 
sequences  of  measures  adopted  in  times  of  great 
excitement.  Suffer  no  sudden  ebullition  of  feeling 
to  commit  acts  which  cannot  be  rescinded,  or  to 
take  steps  which  cannot  be  retraced.  A  subject  of 
greater  importance,  more  deeply,  perhaps  vitally, 
affecting  the  best  interests  of  man,  probably  never 
agitated  the  world.  Before  deciding  upon  declar 
ing  or  even  accepting  a  separation  of  the  Union, 
look  into  futurity,  and  ponder  the  result.  Be  sure 
that  the  great  objects,  for  which  you  would  barter 
the  Union,  would  be  attained.  The  South  cannot 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  100 

avoid  an  investigation  of  the  merits  of  slavery. 
Whether  welcome  or  not,  she  must  grapple  the 
public  opinion  of  the  age  on  this  question.  Can  she 
go  through  this  struggle  alone,  better  than  as  a 
co-equal  branch  of  the  Union  1  Again,  will  disunion 
give  security  to  the  possession  of  her  slaves  in 
peace  ?  These  are  points  which  should  be  deeply 
and  thoroughly  weighed. 

A  breach  like  this,  once  effected,  can  never  be 
healed.  As  soon  as  divided,  the  North  and  South 
are  enemies.  Even,  if  an  amicable  adjustment  of 
national  interests  could  be  produced, — which  is  a 
supposition  verging  upon  the  very  borders  of  im 
possibility — peace  could  not  long  be  preserved. 
Unpleasant  recollections  would  be  deepened  into 
feelings  of  distrust,  irritation  would  be  changed  to 
bitter  enmity.  Thousands  of  men,  unworthy  the 
likeness  of  humanity,  would  make  it  a  business  to 
stir  up  dissention,  that  they  might  reap  a  golden 
harvest,  though  steeped  in  blood.  A  civil  or  an 
international  war  between  the  North  and  South, 
would  be  conducted  with  a  murderous  strife. 
Even  now,  the  feelings  of  the  great  body  of  the 
people  on  both  sides,  are  far  from  being  as  friendly 
as  they  ought.  The  South  will  not  easily  forget 
the  cause  of  the  abolition  excitement ;  and  on  the 
other  side  the  treatment  of  some  northern  men  in 
Tennessee,  in  Georgia,  and  elsewhere,  has  pro 
duced  deep  feelings  in  the  public  mind. 

The  South  may  be  assured,  that  it  is  an  entirely 
gratuitous  suspicion,  which  supposes  the  North  to 
10 


110  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

be  unfriendly  to  her  interests.  The  South  may  be 
assured  that  the  North  rejoices  in  her  prosperity. 
The  great  interests  of  both,  although  not  identical, 
are  reciprocal ;  and  it  is  susceptible  of  proof,  that 
they  are  mutually  dependent  upon,  and  flourish  by 
the  aid  of  each  other.  The  North  is  engrossed  in 
active  enterprize,  to  which  her  situation  and  her 
industrious  habits  both  impel  her — and  is  too  busy 
about  her  own  concerns,  to  devise  schemes  for 
injuring  the  South  ;  and  if  the  latter  would  put  her 
heads  and  hands  to  the  like  active  enterprize,  she 
would  have  less  time,  and  less  inclination,  to  indulge 
in  suspicion  that  the  North  was  endeavouring  to 
cripple  or  undermine  her  prosperity. 

I  have  no  hesitation  in  repeating  what  has  been 
frequently  said,  that  the  North  has  no  disposition 
to  do  injustice  to  the  South.  But  still,  if  the  former 
believe  that  justice  requires  freedom  for  the  slave, 
and  the  latter  by  the  same  term  understand  a  right 
to  keep  him  in  bondage,  there  is  a  radical  difference 
of  opinion  between  them ;  and  nothing  but  the 
wisest  deliberation,  joined  with  forbearance  and 
Christian  principle,  and  aided  by  God's  mercy,  can 
ever  settle  the  question  in  an  amicable  manner. 

XIII.  In  closing  this  chapter,  I  will  take  the 
liberty  to  state  my  views  as  an  individual,  respect 
ing  the  result  of  this  controversy.  In  view  of  the 
circumstances  and  opinions  of  the  age,  affecting 
slavery  in  the  civilized  world,  there  are  evident 
indications  that  it  will  be  abolished.  Do  not  at- 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  Ill 

tribute  this  belief  to  the  spirit  of  abolition.  I  do 
not  even  give  this  opinion  as  a  northern  man, 
actuated  by  feelings  of  opposition  to  the  South. 
Many  of  my  prejudices  were  softened  and  removed 
by  an  actual  interview  with  slavery.  I  came  from 
that  interview,  impressed  with  a  conviction,  that 
the  slaves  were  better  off  than  their  forefathers 
ever  were  in  Africa ;  better  off,  as  a  body,  than 
they  would  be,  if  emancipated  and  turned  loose 
upon  southern  society — and  with  the  strongest  con 
viction,  that  they  were  in  every  respect  an  injury 
to  their  masters. 

But  I  came  from  that  interview — opposed  to 
slavery ;  because  the  spirit  of  the  age  in  the  middle 
of  the  nineteenth  century  demands  that  the  Ameri 
can  negro  should  be  placed  in  a  situation  to  culti 
vate  his  moral  and  intellectual  being  —  because 
slavery  is  detrimental  to  the  moral,  civil,  and  phy 
sical  interests  of  the  master  —  and  because  it  is 
utterly  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  American  liberty. 
Were  I  in  Europe  I  could  defend  slavery  upon 
the  broad  principles  of  legal  enactments,  and  the 
customs  of  all  ages;  but,  as  an  honest  man,  I  could 
not  defend  it,  in  the  face  of  Jefferson's  Declaration. 
American  slavery — after  all  our  protestations  of 
freedom,  and  boast  of  man's  equality — is  gross 
inconsistency. 

With  these  views,  although  from  the  relative 
situation  and  condition  of  the  North  it  will  doubt 
less  have  a  powerful  influence  in  producing  this 
result  (emancipation),  I  believe  it  would  take  place, 


11  TO   SLAVEHOLDERS. 

were  the  free  states  blotted  out  of  existence.  The 
spirit  of  Christianity  and  of  civilization  is  against 
it.  The  South  will  not  always  be  able  to  with 
stand  the  light  which  is  pouring  all  around  her. 
She  now  laughs  to  scorn  the  incipient  advances 
of  the  enemy ;  and,  mighty  in  her  opinion  of  right, 
defies  its  power  ;  but  she  has  not  yet  grappled  the 
giant.  She  has  closed  her  doors,  and  looks  out 
from  the  window,  in  imagined  safety ;  but  she 
knows  not  the  subtlety  of  the  foe.  He  comes  in 
every  wind,  lurks  in  every  corner :  he  presents 
himself  to  the  eye,  the  ear,  to  every  avenue  of  the 
understanding.  The  attempt  to  arrest  the  course 
of  public  opinion,  will  be  like  rolling  back  the  stone 
of  Sysiphus.  The  impulse  which  has  been  given 
to  the  spirit  of  freedom  across  the  Atlantic,  by  the 
example  of  our  institutions,  is  now  re-echoed  upon 
our  shores,  and  points  directly  to  slavery.  Its 
voice  is  louder  and  louder.  Almost  all  Protestant 
and  Catholic  Europe  is  against  it.  And  in  Europe 
our  great  national  charter  is  understood  to  mean 
what  it  says.  And  surely  it  is  pardonable  to  be 
lieve  there  is  an  inconsistency  in  declaring  all  men 
to  be  born  "  free  and  equal,"  and  keeping  one-fifth 
of  these  free  and  equal  born  in  hopeless  bondage. 
Perhaps  the  inconsistency  appears  more  glaring 
from  the  fact,  that  some  of  the  greatest  American 
statesmen  have  utterly  condemned  the  practice. 
Europe  knows  what  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Henry 
Clay  have  said  of  slavery, — although  slaveholders 
themselves.  Yet  it  is  possible  the  light  from  con- 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  113 

tinental  Europe  might  be  shut  out,  were  it  not  for 
England.  England,  our  own  father-land,  which? 
as  the  home  of  literature,  arts,  and  Christianity, 
the  South  venerates  far  more  than  the  North,  has 
set  an  example  on  this  subject,  on  which  the  eyes 
of  the  world  are  turned  with  eager  interest.  The 
result  of  her  measures  for  colonial  emancipation  is 
not  yet  sufficiently  obvious  to  be  judged  with  cor 
rectness. 

Should  that  result  be  favourable,  the  example 
and  the  influence  of  that  country,  will  have  a  pro 
digious  effect  upon  slavery  throughout  the  civilized 
world ;  and  these  United  States  will  feel  that 
effect  in  its  mightiest  power.  As  well  might  the 
South  attempt  to  silence  the  roar  of  the  Atlantic 
upon  her  shores  as  to  escape  its  influence.  If 
England,  by  emancipation  in  her  colonies,  should 
prove  to  the  world,  not  only  that  negroes  are  human 
beings,  but  that  they  are  capable  of  self  control  as  a 
•free  community,  and  of  high  intellectual,  and  moral 
improvement — that  they  are  more  virtuous,  more 
peaceable,  more  industrious  as  free  hirelings ;  in  a 
word,  that  they  are  worthy  of  the  same  rights  and 
privileges  as  men  of  Saxon  or  Roman  descent — 
and  should  make  these  facts  a  comment  upon  the 
Declaration  of  American  Independence,  that  all 
men  "  are  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness,"  would  southern  slavery  long  be  able  to 
withstand  public  opinion ;  not  of  the  free  states — 
not  of  England  and  her  dependencies  alone — but  of 
the  civilized  world  ? 

10* 


114  TO    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

I  confess  the  idea  of  such  a  result  elevates  my 
mind  above  all  considerations  affecting  any  section 
or  any  interest  of  my  native  country,  and  gives 
me  a  loftier  tone  of  feeling  as  a  well  wisher  to  my 
species. 

In  answer  to  all  this  it  may  be  said,  that  slavery 
is  not  incompatible  with  republicanism,  and  Greece 
and  Rome  may  be  cited  in  proof.  I  will  offer  two 
considerations  touching  this  point,  for  the  reflec 
tion  of  the  reader. 

First.  Slavery  in  ancient  times  was  not  confined 
to  a  distinct  race  as  with  us,  nor  was  the  object 
then,  as  now,  merely  pecuniary  advantage.  War 
and  conquest  were  then  considered  almost  the  only 
ennobling  employments,  and  upon  the  conquest  of 
a  state,  or  the  sacking  of  a  city,  the  whole  survi 
ving  population — patricians  and  peasants — were 
dragged  away  by  the  conquerors,  to  be  exhibited 
as  trophies  of  their  valor.  After  the  exhibition 
they  were  slain,  or  sold  by  the  soldiers — being  con 
sidered  only  worthy  to  be  menials,  for  their  want 
of  spirit  in  being  taken  alive.  "  Come  back  with 
thy  shield,  or  on  thy  shield" — the  Spartan  mother's 
injunction  to  her  warrior  son — is  a  true  picture  of 
the  spirit  of  that  age,  in  which  physical  power  was 
more  honoured  than  intellectual  or  moral. 

The  other  consideration  arises  from  the  greater 
responsibility  which  we  incur  as  moral  agents. 
"  Where  much  is  given,  much  will  be  required." 
Upon  republican  Greece  or  Rome  Christianity  never 
dawned.  They  were  swayed  by  mere  worldly 


TO    SLAVEHOLDERS.  115 

motives  in  all  their  individual  and  national  acts; 
and  the  law  to  love  their  neighbours  as  themselves 
had  never  sounded  in  their  ears.  The  stream  can 
not  rise  above  its  fountain  ;  and  their  gods,  the 
fabrication  of  their  ancestors,  were  of  like  passions 
with  themselves.  One  of  the  maxims  to  which,  as 
nations  and  as  men,  they  most  rigidly  adhered, 
was  always  to  resent  an  insult;  and  it  is  evident 
that  human  nature  grows  no  better  by  age ;  for,  in 
defiance  of  the  law  of  God,  it  is  a  standing  maxim 
of  the  world  at  present. 

In  conclusion,  I  know  not  with  what  view  the 
considerations  offered  in  this  chapter  may  be  re 
ceived  ;  but  to  my  own  mind,  the  exhortation  of 
the  apostle  to  the  Athenians  is  strikingly  applica 
ble  to  American  slavery — "  the  times  of  this  igno 
rance  God  winked  at,  but  now  commandeth  all 
men  every  where  to  repent." 


CHAPTER  III. 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

I.  Free  and  slave  states  diametrically  opposed — what  influence 
this  should  exert  on  the  former — why  oppose  the  spirit  of  abo 
lition — how  the  South  may  be  reached. 

II.  Why  slaveholders  should  be  judged  charitably — and  the  sub 
ject   investigated — northern   ministers   appealed   to — northern 
men  at  the  South — severe  taskmasters — why. 

III.  Power  of  habit,  the  stronghold  of  slavery,  influence  of  filial 
and    venerable   associations   among  slaveholders — opposed  to 
unconditional  emancipation — why. 

IV.  Universal  conviction  of  the  right  of  property. — Value   of 
slaves. — Ignorance  of  northern  men  respecting  slavery. 

V.  Condition   of  the  slave — observations  of  the  writer — house 
servants    many  advantages — field  labourers — negro  houses — 
bad — mode  of  feeding  slaves — various  resources  among  them 
— public  opinion  in  favour  of  humanity — dress  of  slaves — 
personal  treatment — mode  of  labour — general  appearance  and 
manners — many   of  them  in  places  of  trust — general  views  of 
the  whites — influence  of  the  age  on  the  slave. 

VI.  Free  blacks  of  the  South — situation  unfavourable  to  improve 
ment — interesting  exceptions. 

VII.  Condition  of  the  free  blacks  at  the  North — anecdote — de 
graded — outcasts — vicious — neglected    by  the    whites — deep- 
rooted  prejudice  against  them — proofs — what  justice  requires 
of  the  free  states. — North  not  guiltless  respecting  slavery — 
what  atonement  for  her  own  wrongs. 

VIII.  South  devoted  to   the  Union. — Interference  of  the  North, 
on  the  question  of  moral   right — appeal  to  the  free  states — 
to    the  clergy — examine   motives — forbearance  recommended 
among  equals — injurious  effects  of  northern  denunciation. — 
Example  of  the  Saviour. 


I  speak  as  unto  wise  men,  judge  ye  what  I  say. 

I.  IN  the  discussion  of  the  subject  of  slavery, 
now  in  agitation  in  our  country,  you  cannot  act  at 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  117 

all,  nor  exert  any  influence  without  incurring  great 
responsibility.  Indeed  it  is  probable,  that  the  re 
sult,  or  final  decision  of  the  question,  will  take  its 
character,  in  a  great  degree,  from  the  manner  in 
which  you  treat  it.  You  need,  therefore,  scarcely 
to  be  informed  that,  upon  your  wisdom,  and  pru 
dence,  the  future  welfare  and  destiny  of  this  great 
nation  depends. 

The  writer,  being  one  of  your  number  by  birth 
and  education,  may  be  presumed  to  know  some 
thing  of  your  habits  of  thinking — your  prejudices 
and  sectional  views, — and  will  take  the  liberty  to 
animadvert  plainly  on  the  position  you  occupy  in 
relation  to  this  controversy  ;  and  endeavour  to  assist 
your  inquiries,  in  view  of  forming  a  right  decision 
upon  the  subject. 

And  the  first,  perhaps  the  most  important  point 
about  which  you  need  to  be  admonished  is,  to 
divest  yourself  of  sectional  prejudice.  You  have 
much  yet  to  learn  as  a  community,  in  order  to 
judge  this  subject,  with  respect  to  reciprocal  right. 

You  are  deeply  prejudiced  against  slavery,  and, 
as  a  very  natural  consequence,  against  slaveholders. 
Many  of  you  are  ready  to  prove,  as  clear  as  de 
monstration,  that  slaveholding  in  every  case,  in 
every  degree,  is  grossly  wrong,  a  violation  of  every 
sentiment  of  justice,  a  daring  sin  against  Heaven. 
In  defence  of  this  opinion,  you  will  quote  the  Bible, 
— appeal  to  the  views  of  moral  and  political  right 
in  which  you  were  educated,  and  your  own  free 
dom  from  the  sin.  The  slaveholder  will  make 


118  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

exactly  the  same  appeal  on  his  side — quoting  the 
Bible. — the  views  of  right  in  which  he  was  edu 
cated, — and  his  consistent  practice  as  proof.  In 
this  state  of  the  subject,  all  the  deliberation,  the 
forbearance,  the  wisdom  which  fallen  man  can 
command,  will  be  required  in  the  progress  and 
settlement  of  this  question. 

And  remember,  you  cannot  even  agitate  this 
subject,  to  produce  any  effect  on  the  South,  with 
out  being  the  aggressors.  The  South  solicits  you 
to  let  her  alone.  She  asks  not  your  counsel  re 
specting  the  possession  or  treatment  of  her  slaves ; 
she  earnestly  requests  you  not  to  intermeddle  with 
her  domestic  institutions.  She  claims,  and  justly 
too,  that  this  is  a  question  to  be  decided  by  her 
own  free  will. 

Many  of  you  will  plead  perhaps  that  slavery  is 
a  moral  evil,  and  therefore  ought  to  be  abandoned. 
Admitting  this  to  be  true,  what  practical  effect 
ought  it  to  produce  among  you  ?  Are  you  thence 
authorized  to  undertake  its  abolition  by  force? 
Have  you  received  a  commission  to  vindicate  the 
cause  of  moral  right,  from  the  only  source  whence 
such  a  commission  could  emanate — the  fountain  of 
truth  and  justice  ?  would  you  not  individually,  and  as 
a  community,  resist  to  the  utmost,  every  interference 
which  assumed  a  right  to  dictate  respecting  the 
moral  tendency  of  your  own  actions  ?  The  answer 
is  too  plain  to  admit  a  doubt. 

Every  question  involving  moral  obligation,  ex 
cept  so  far  as  it  affects  the  peace  of  society,  is 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  119 

purely  between  man  and  his  Maker.  Of  course 
when  men  design  to  exert  an  influence  upon  others, 
touching  such  questions,  no  weapons  are  allowable 
but  those  of  a  moral  kind.  This  truth  is  too  ob 
vious  to  admit  any  doubt :  and  the  people  of  the 
North  have  practised  it  with  great  effect  on  a 
subject  deeply  affecting  the  temporal  as  well  as 
moral  interest  of  society.  I  mean  the  subject  of 
temperance. 

Had  the  first  agitators  of  temperance  reform 
gone  forth  and  taken  the  drunkard  by  the  throat, 
and  commanded  him  to  abstain  from  his  cups,  be 
cause  he  was  ruining  himself;  what  would  have 
been  the  result?  Would  not  the  universal  opinion 
of  society  have  condemned  such  measures  ?  and 
would  it  not  have  increased  rather  than  diminished 
the  evil  ?  What  would  be  the  effect,  if  ministers 
of  the  gospel  should  leave  their  appropriate  sphere 
of  "persuading  men  to  be  reconciled  to  God," 
and,  by  anathemas  and  violence,  compel  them  to  be 
pious  1  How  soon  would  the  pagan  world  be  con 
verted,  if  the  missionaries  sent  to  them  should  under 
take  to  coerce  their  abandonment  of  heathenish 
idolatry  1 

But  you  do  not  harbour  the  idea  of  attempting 
to  put  down  slavery  by  force;  I  am  fully  persuaded 
your  views  on  this  subject,  as  a  question  of  moral 
right,  are  correct ;  but  there  is  great  danger,  that, 
although  you  would  not  raise  an  arm  to  free  the 
slave,  the  tendency  of  your  measures  will  lead  to 
the  same  result.  If  you,  by  persisting  in  a  course 


120  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

of  opposition  to  the  known  will  and  wishes  of  the 
South — by  reproaches,  threats,  and  criminations — 
produce  an  excitement  leading  to  a  civil  or  a 
servile  war,  will  you  not  be  answerable  for  the 
consequences,  to  God  and  man  ?  The  effect  will 
be  the  same  as  if  you  marched  an  army  to  put 
down  slavery.  With  this  view  of  the  subject,  I 
call  on  you,  as  a  sober,  reflecting  people,  to  oppose 
the  temper  of  the  immediate  abolitionists.  What 
ever  may  be  their  principles,  their  tone  and  manner 
are  at  war  alike  with  religion,  and  reason,  and 
common  sense.  The  spirit  manifested  in  their 
publications,  and  many  of  their  public  resolutions, 
cannot  be  a  good  one.  It  is  the  spirit  of  denuncia 
tion,  and  curses,  and  vengeance.  It  reveals  itself 
in  reproaches,  in  bitter  taunts,  in  indiscriminate 
invective.  It  does  not  breathe  benevolence  and 
good  will  to  men,  but  exactly  the  reverse.  It  is 
the  spirit  of  the  worst  persecution,  for  it  bitterly 
denounces  every  thing  that  does  not  immediately 
bow  to  its  own  assumptions.  I  hazard  nothing  in 
asserting,  that  as  soon  as  the  tone  of  the  immediate 
abolitionists  becomes  the  standard  of  northern  feel 
ing  on  the  question  of  slavery,  there  is  an  immediate 
end  of  this  Union.  The  South  would  break  the 
bond  of  union  at  a  blow,  without  taking  time  to 
reflect  upon  the  consequences. 

But  the  South  rejects  your  reasoning  on  this 
subject  altogether.  She  denies  the  premises,  and 
rejects  the  deductions.  Probably  a  majority  of 
the  religious  and  moral  part  of  the  southern  com- 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  121 

munity  will  contend  that  slavery  is  morally  right, 
and  of  the  still  larger  class  who  profess  no  religion, 
and  are  not  governed  by  moral  motives,  it  is  suf 
ficient  to  secure  their  adherence  to  the  practice 
even  unto  death,  that  it  is  for  their  interest.  Now, 
whether  right  or  wrong,  you  must  first  remove 
slaveholders  from  the  ground  they  at  present  oc 
cupy  as  moral  and  thinking  beings,  before  you  can 
effect  abolition.  You  must  convince  the  man  who 
admits  his  moral  accountability,  that  slavery  is 
sin ;  you  must  convince  the  man  governed  by 
wordly  motives,  that  slavery  is  against  his  interest, 
and  then  you  may  make  an  impression  upon  the 
system. 

To  effect  these  objects,  it  is  evident  there  is  a 
large  field  to  be  explored.  Every  thing  relating 
to  slavery,  as  an  institution  or  usage  of  society,  is 
of  importance  in  examining  the  subject.  Neither 
individuals  nor  communities  are  ready  at  once, 
nor  even  immediately  after  full  conviction  of  its 
injurious  tendency,  to  renounce  a  practice  which 
they  have  long  cherished.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  result  of  abolition  movements  upon  the 
South,  thus  far,  has  been  to  withdraw  the  minds  of 
slaveholders  from  all  investigation  of  its  moral  and 
political  bearing,  and  make  them  adhere  to  and 
support  it  more  strenuously  in  self-defence. 

II.  I  shall  now  endeavour  to   make  such  state 
ments  with  regard  to  slavery,  as  some  observation 
of  its  practical  operation   and  effect  upon  society 
11 


122  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

suggested,  with  a  view  of  adding  something  to 
your  knowledge  of  the  subject,  and  enabling  you 
to  form  a  correct  opinion  of  its  merits. 

First,  I  purpose  to  offer  some  observations  on  the 
situation  and  views  of  the  whites  or  masters ; 
which  will  lead  us  to  contemplate  the  system  in 
the  light  of  cause  and  effect. 

And  the  first  reflection  which  strikes  the  mind, 
in  taking  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  subject,  is 
one  of  a  moral   nature.     In  condemning  slavery, 
we  unchristianize   the    South.     The   slave  states, 
like  the  free,  are  divided  into  a  great  number  of 
religious  sects.     These  all,  as  a   body,  ministers 
and  laymen,  are  slaveholders.     Her  presbyteries, 
associations,    convocations,    and    conferences,  all 
recognize  its  lawfulness — all  participate  in  it — all 
repel  charges  brought  against  it.     Surely  this  fact, 
although    no   justification   of    slavery,  should,    at 
least,  influence  us  to  be  deliberate  and  cautious  in 
condemning  it  in  a  wholesale  manner.     Were  the 
practice  sustained  by  one  or  two  sects,  and  rejected 
by  the   others,  there  would  be  more  ground   for 
suspicion  ;  but  there   are   multitudes  of  ministers 
of  each  of  the  great  denominations  at  the  South, 
who  have  no  more  conscientious  scruples  in  hold 
ing   their    slaves,    than    they  have    in   preaching 
sermons.     Are   you  ready,  at  your  distance,   to 
denounce  a  whole  Christian  community  for  holding 
to  a  practice  which  you  consider  unlawful  ?     Until 
you  have  their  views  explicitly  unfolded,  and   can 
comprehend  all  the  circumstances  which  have  a 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  123 

bearing  upon  the  subject,  charity  should  admonish 
you,  not  to  be  hasty  in  judging. 

Either  slavery  is  right,  or  these  Christians  are 
blinded  to  the  truth ;  for  it  cannot  be  a  moment 
believed,  that  they  are  all  hypocrites,  openly  avow 
ing  and  defending  a  practice  which  they  know  to 
be  wrong.     The  question  whether  they  are  right 
should  certainly  be   investigated,  before  they  are 
summarily  condemned  ;  and  even  if  they  are  proved 
to  be  wrong,   passionate  or    harsh   denunciation 
will  have  but  little  effect  in   opening  their  blind 
eyes,  or  in  stopping  their  deaf  ears.     That  they 
are  not  sinners  "  above  all  others"  with  regard  to 
the  deportment  and  character  which  should  adorn 
the  Christian  profession,  any  one  may  judge  for 
himself,  if  he  will  seek  an  interview.     A  minister 
in  Virginia  told  me,  that  rum-selling  and  visiting 
horse  races  (a  favourite  amusement  at  the  South,) 
he  considered  subjects  of  church  discipline,  and  in 
his  own  church  would  not  be  tolerated.     This  min 
ister  was  a    slaveholder.     Perhaps   some  of  my 
readers  may  be  inclined  to  class  him  with  those 
who   "  strain  at  a  gnat  and  swallow  a  camel." 
And  here  I  will  remark,  that  I  believe,  the  minis 
try  at  the  North  generally,  to   say  the  least,  are 
becoming  more  and  more  opposed  to  slavery.     I 
have  no  reason  to  question  their  motives  in  this  ; 
but  I  must  be  permitted  to  enter  a  solemn  protest 
against  their  summary  denunciation  of  the  practice, 
from  conclusions  formed  in  their  own  studies.     If 
they  heartily  believe  that  it  is  a  crying   national 


124  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

sin,  one  upon  which  the  judgments  of  Heaven  are 
impending,  they  ought  first  to  satisfy  themselves  of 
its  enormity;  and,  if  possible,  go  and  view  the 
offence  and  the  offenders  face  to  face,  that  they 
may  be  able  to  preach  understandingly  against  it, 
and  enforce  their  arguments  by  facts  and  illustra 
tions  drawn  from  their  own  observations.  The 
ministers  of  the  South  do  not  act  in  a  corner,  nor 
would  they  be  reluctant  to  meet  a  candid  opponent 
in  argument,  or  to  hear  all  his  candid  objections 
against  it.  But  a  continual  warfare  and  angry 
discussion  at  a  distance,  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  of 
Christian  benevolence,  and  to  the  first  principles  of 
justice.  It  produces  continual  irritation,  and  deep 
ens  prejudices  which  otherwise  might  be  easily 
effaced.  Even  St.  Paul  did  not  thus  act  in  his 
intercourse  with  the  heathen  world.  The  town- 
clerk  of  Ephesus  exonerated  him  from  the  charge 
of  blaspheming  the  goddess  of  the  Ephesians.  With 
a  profound  knowledge  of  human  character,  he 
judged  that  clamorous  denunciations  of  their  abo 
minable  idolatries  would  fill  the  popular  mind  with 
phrenzy  or  prejudice,  and  thus  effectually  exclude 
the  doctrines  which  he  designed  to  inculcate  for 
their  good. 

And  there  is  another  observation  to  be  made 
here,  to  which  the  candid  attention  of  northern 
ministers  is  invited,  while  reflecting  upon  this  sub 
ject  A  great  many  ministers  have  gone  from  the 
free  states  as  missionaries,  teachers,  and  residents 
of  the  South.  They  had  the  fellowship  and  confi- 


TO   THE    FkEE    STATES.  125 

dence  of  their  brethren  when  they  left,  as  pious, 
devoted  men.  Now  what  is  the  result?  In  a 
majority  of  instances,  have  they  converted  the 
slaveholders,  or  have  the  slaveholders  converted 
them  ?  Have  they  fallen  into  the  errors  of  the  com 
munity  around  them,  or,  like  Noah,  walked  with 
God,  while  all  others  apostatized  from  him  ?  Surely 
this  fact  of  the  general  adoption  of  the  practice  of 
slavery  by  Christian  men  from  the  free  states,  should 
at  least  give  some  room  for  charity  in  judging  it. 
And  it  is  a  source  of  complacency  to  the  South, 
and  not  very  creditable  to  the  northern  denunci 
ators  of  slavery,  that  northern  men,  upon  becoming 
residents  of  a  slave  state,  very  generally  become 
slaveholders ;  and  it  is  a  notorious  fact,  that  they 
are  frequently  the  severest  masters. 

It  is  a  common  remark  at  the  South,  that  the 
negro,  when  elevated  to  be  an  overseer,  is  the 
hardest  taskmaster  over  his  fellow-slave,  and  the 
slaveholder  from  the  free  states  is  the  next.  The 
reason  of  this  severity,  in  the  case  of  the  latter,  is 
easily  explained  ;  although  the  explanation  will  add 
more  credit  to  northern  character  for  enterprise 
and  energy,  than  for  clemency  and  humanity. 
The  northern  man  is  accustomed  to  a  degree  of 
activity,  energy,  and  skill  among  mechanics  and 
labourers,  to  which  slaves  are  utter  strangers. 
Consequently,  he  becomes  impatient  at  their  in 
dolence  and  carelessness,  and  will  very  probably 
endeavour  to  hasten  their  operations  by  compul 
sion.  Among  native  slaveholders,  the  master  has 
11* 


126  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

been  so  long  accustomed  to  the  sluggishness  of  the 
negro,  or  rather  has  been  accustomed  to  no  other 
mode  of  labour,  that  it  excites  no  surprise  or  impa 
tience.  After  a  sufficient  experiment,  the  northern 
man,  weary  of  exerting  himself  in  vain  to  make 
the  negro  energetic  and  quick,  gives  up  the  point, 
by  falling  into  the  custom  of  his  neighbours,  and 
letting  the  slave  pursue  his  own  mode  and  system. 

III.  2.  The  power  of  habit  is  perhaps  nowhere 
more  strikingly  manifest  than  in  the  practice  of 
southern  slavery.     The  influence  of  this  principle 
is  here  observed,  as  having  the  same  control  over 
a  community  that  an  inveterate  habit  has  over  an 
individual.     No  person  can  have  an  adequate  idea 
of  this  fact,  without  actual  residence  among  them. 
Slavery  is  a  mere  matter  of  course.     To  agitate 
the  question  of  general  emancipation  in  any  form, 
would  strike  the  community  at  large  like  proposing 
to  them  to  give  up  their  homes.     The  first  question 
would  be  in  either  case, "  how  could  we  live  with 
out  them  ?"     The  practice  has  been  so  long  con 
tinued,  handed  down  from  father  to  son,  that  it  has 
become  necessary  to  the  present  organization  of 
society.     The  system  is  so  interwoven  with  every 
fibre   of  society,  that,  to  think   of  abandoning  it, 
would  seem  like  rending  the  different  members  of  the 
body  asunder.     It  has  thrown  a  chain  round  society 
almost  as  difficult  to  cast  off,  as  that  which  distin 
guishes  castes  in  India.     The  inhabitants  live  as 
their  fathers  did,  for  they  know  no  other  way. 
Those  people  of  the  North,  who  see  comparatively 


TO   THE    FREE    STATES.  127 

very  few  blacks,  have  very  little  idea  of  the  con 
struction  of  society  at  the  South.  Were  some  of 
them  who  associate  every  thing  offensive  with  the 
idea  of  coming  in  contact  with  a  negro,  to  see  the 
order  of  things,  where  one  half  the  society  are 
blacks,  they  would  soon  learn  there  are  more 
things  on  earth — 

"  Than  are  dream't  of  in  their  philosophy," 

and   would   obtain    some   new   ideas    of  human 
character.     It   is    mutually   understood,   both  by 
master  and  slave,  that  the  former  is   to  do  the 
head  work,  and  the  latter  the  hand  work.     And 
although  this  is  a  distinctive  characteristic,  yet  as 
the  direction  of  labour  must  constantly  attend  its 
operations,  it  brings  the  two  parties  into  familiar 
contact,  though  entirely  distinct.     In  the  towns, 
and  among  the  large  planters,  the  slaves  do  all  the 
labour,  and  perform  all  the  menial  services.     As  a 
general  fact,  a  white  man  can  do  nothing  even  for 
himself  personally,  which  another  can  do  for  him. 
In  the  house  and  abroad,  a  servant  is  in  attendance. 
The  parlour,  the   dressing-room,  as  well  as  the 
kitchen,  are  full  of  them.     They  come  in  contact 
with  the  family  and  guests  at  every  corner.    Hence 
there  are  various  grades,  and  various  duties  as 
signed  to  each.     A  stranger  to  the  system,  closely 
observing   the  movements  of  the  parties,  would 
very  soon  see  the  effect  of  slavery  upon  the  do 
mestic  organization  of  society. 

Again,  in  another  respect,  the  system  of  slavery 
possesses  a  very  powerful  influence  upon  the  feel- 


128  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

ings  of  the  community.  It  has  been  so  long 
adopted  and  uncensured,  been  transmitted  from 
father  to  son  for  generations,  that  it  is  associated 
with  every  thing  venerable  and  filial.  There  is 
not  perhaps  a  stronger  or  more  deeply  cherished 
feeling  in  the  human  breast,  than  respect  and  vene 
ration  for  our  fathers.  And  this  feeling  has  a  great 
influence  when  applied  to  the  subject  under  consi 
deration.  "  Surely  a  system  which  our  forefathers 
approved  and  practised — a  state  of  society  in 
which  they  lived  and  died— cannot  be  wrong.  The 
right  to  an  inheritance,  which  was  bequeathed  to  us 
by  them,  and  transmitted  to  us  by  their  last  solemn 
act  and  testament ;  sanctioned  by  the  laws  of  the 
land,  and  by  the  usages  of  the  whole  community, 
cannot  be  questioned."  Thus  the  slaveholder  rea 
sons,  for  he  is  bred  in  the  same  undoubted  right  to 
the  slave,  that  he  is  to  the  family  mansion.  The 
wealth  of  the  father  purchased  both  ;  his  care  and 
affection  preserved  them  for  his  children.  Is  it 
strange,  then,  if  under  such  circumstances,  the  son 
should  not  join  the  immediate  abolitionists  in  de 
nouncing  his  father's  memory,  and  proclaiming  to 
the  world  that  his  ancestors  were  all  guilty  of  a 
most  hateful  crime.  Their  filial  respect  and  grati 
tude  are  now  indissolubly  connected  with  their 
interests,  and,  with  their  present  views  and  feelings, 
they  would  sooner  perish  on  the  tombs  of  their 
fathers,  than  do  a  deed  which,  in  their  opinion, 
would  dishonour  them.  It  requires  but  a  limited 
knowledge  of  human  nature,  to  judge  of  the  power- 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  129 

ful  influence  which  such  reasoning  possesses  over 
the  minds  of  persons  in  their  circumstances ;  and 
although  the  opposer  of  slavery  will  not  admit  its 
weight  as  an  argument,  it  is  a  strong  hold,  which 
men  of  the  world  will  hardly  yield. 

3.  There  is  another  objection,  arising  in  the 
minds  of  slaveholders,  when  thinking  seriously  of 
emancipation,  at  which  they  revolt.  It  is  the  idea 
of  having  the  slaves  set  at  liberty,  and  yet  remain 
in  the  community.  There  must  be  a  complete 
change  in  their  views  and  feelings  before  they 
will  consent  to  this.  There  are  many  reasons 
which  influence  their  minds,  in  utterly  rejecting 
this  proposition.  A  very  strong  one  is  the  fact 
that  the  few  free  negroes,  now  living  among  them, 
are  a  miserable,  idle  class,  outcasts  of  society,  and 
looked  upon  with  universal  suspicion  by  the  whites. 
So  strong  is  the  prejudice  against  free  blacks,  that 
in  some  of  the  states  there  are  laws  against  any 
being  made  free,  unless  they  are  sent  out  of  the 
state.  Again,  there  is  no  doubt,  in  many  instances, 
a  feeling  of  proud  superiority,  which  would  not,  for 
a  moment,  brook  the  idea  of  having  the  slave  re 
leased  from  his  condition  of  servility  and  depend 
ence,  and  made  in  any  respect  an  equal !  There 
is  also  a  very  large  class  who  would  not  be  able 
to  endure  the  thought  of  living  without  the  conti 
nual  services  of  the  negro,  so  entirely  dependent 
has  habit  made  them  upon  the  eyes,  ears,  and 
hands  of  others,  for  the  most  simple  personal 
services. 


130  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

But  the  grand  objection  of  the  community  (and 
it  is  probably  nearly  universal)  is  the  belief,  that  the 
negroes,  if  made  free,  would  be  the  pest  of  society, 
and  live  by  plunder  and  mischief.  Naturally  indo 
lent — almost  forced,  at  present,  to  perform  their 
slight  work — without  intelligence  to  direct  their 
labours — without  any  property — in  a  state  of  utter 
destitution — they  would  continually  prey  upon  the 
whites,  and  live  uncontrolled.  Many,  no  doubt, 
think  the  lives  and  property  of  the  whites  would 
be  at  their  disposal,  and  some  even  declare  that 
the  latter  would  be  obliged  to  abandon  the  coun 
try  to  them.  This  is  a  serious  question,  and 
demands  deliberate  attention.  The  South  will 
never  harbor  the  thought  of  emancipation  in  this 
mode,  without  a  radical  change  in  public  senti 
ment.  It  is  sufficient  to  remark,  that  the  southern 
people  are  the  only  proper  judges  of  the  mode  of 
emancipation ;  and  that  whatever  individual  or 
community  proposes  a  plan  for  their  adoption,  it 
should  be  done  in  the  tone  and  manner  of  friendly 
counsel,  not  in  the  spirit  of  compulsive  denuncia 
tion. 

IV.  But  perhaps  the  most  prominent  fact  sug 
gesting  itself  to  the  mind  of  the  observer  in  the 
slave  states,  is  the  almost  unanimous  conviction  of 
the  right  of  property  in  the  slave.  However  they 
may  differ  in  other  respects,  the  slaveholders,  as  a 
body,  are  generally  agreed  in  this.  Depend  upon 
it,  the  South  at  present  feels  a  consciousness  of 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  131 

right  on  the  main  question  at  issue,  which  is  very 
little  understood  at  the  North.     There  are  indeed 
many  in  the  frontier  states,  who   are  harboring 
conscientious  scruples  as  to  the  moral  lawfulness 
of  slavery,  who  feel  that  it  is    burdensome    and 
wasteful,  and  know  that  it  rests  like  a  mountain 
of  lead  upon  the  energies  of  the  state ;  but  still,  even 
these  are  not  ready  to  allow  you  to  touch  the  right 
of  property.     On   this  point,  I  will  relate  a  single 
fact,  among  many  similar  which  might  be  given.     I 
was  introduced  to  a  gentleman,  one  who   is  well 
known  in  his  neighbourhood  for  piety  and  philan 
thropy,  as   a  northern  man.     In  the   seclusion  of 
the  parlour,  he  opened  to  me  his  views  fully,  on  the 
subject  of  slavery — commencing  himself  with  the 
remark,  "  I  hope  you  have  come  to  show  us  some 
feasible  plan  of  putting  away  slavery."     He  con 
versed  freely  and  openly,  respecting  his  own  views, 
— the  state  of  public  sentiment — and  the  action  of 
legislation  on  the  subject:  but  when  the  thought  of 
abolitionists  entered  his  mind,  (just  such  views  of 
northern  abolitionists  prevail  all  over  the  South, 
indeed  this  is  a  very  favourable  specimen)  his  voice 
and  manner  changed  in  a  moment.     "  You,"  said 
he,  pointing  his  finger  at  me,  "  you,  northern  abo 
litionists,  have  put  a  stop  to  all  our  designs  for  the 
benefit   of  the    slave."     "  Why,"    he    exclaimed, 
"  should  they  attempt  to  take  away  my  property, 
I  would  take  down  my  rifle  there,  and  fight  to  the 
last  breath."     This  same  man  told  me  he  could 
not  conscientiously  sell  his  slaves,  unless  he  knew 


132  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

they  would  be  better  off  than  with  him,  and  I  have 
abundant  proof  that  he  was  an  indulgent  master. 

The  South  feel  at  present  on  this  subject  pre 
cisely  as  the  people  of  the  free  states  would,  if 
some  power,  which  had  no  shadow  of  right  to 
intermeddle,  should  agitate  the  question  of  taking 
away — "  peaceably  if  we  can,  forcibly  if  we  must," 
one  half  of  their  property,  embracing  that  part  of 
it  which  was  most  valuable  and  available. 

Connected  with  this  view  of  the  subject  is  the 
value  of  the  slave.  At  a  very  moderate  estimate 
of  the  value  of  the  slaves  in  the  United  States,  as 
property,  they  are  worth  five  hundred  millions  of 
dollars.  To  bring  the  question  more  within  the 
range  of  practical  calculation,  it  may  be  safely 
assumed,  that  the  slaves  are  more  valuable  than 
the  plantations,  were  both  put  into  the  market,  and 
they  are  also  more  available  property.  With  their 
present  views,  all  this  property  would  be  lost  by 
emancipation,  and  their  estates  be  without  value. 
Have  they  not  some  reason  to  require,  that  if  you 
wish  them  to  give  up  their  slaves — their  means  of 
living— leaving  them  entirely  helpless — you  should 
make  them  remuneration  ? 

Thus  I  have  endeavoured  candidly  to  state  some 
of  the  views  of  the  South  with  regard  to  slavery, 
in  reference  to  emancipation.  That  the  reasons 
given  operate  with  the  weight  of  conclusive  evi 
dence  in  favour  of  slavery,  need  not  be  questioned. 
Whatever  may  be  the  impression  among  the 
people  of  the  North,  respecting  the  cogency  of 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  133 

these  reasons,  they  may  at  least  learn  what  obsta 
cles  are  to  be  removed  before  peaceable  emanci 
pation   can   be   effected.      Those    who    consider 
slavery  as  a  mere  appendage  to  southern  society, 
which  may  be  thrown  off  with  the  same  facility  as 
an  extra  garment  from  an  individual — are   egre- 
giously  mistaken,  and  know  nothing  about  it.     It 
is  emphatically  an  integral   part  of  society  itself, 
and  its  removal  would  produce  a  different  organi 
zation  or  order.     There  is  another  class — perhaps 
wiser  men — at  the  North,  who  would  be  willingly 
considered  profound  thinkers,  and  deeply  read  in 
the  knowledge  of  human  character  and  institutions, 
who  do  not  see  any  very  terrible  consequences,  in 
overthrowing  the  system  at  once,  in  the  very  face 
of  all  these  obstacles.     They  look  upon  these  objec 
tions,  \vhich  I  have  briefly  considered,  only  as  so 
many  deep-rooted  prejudices,   or  more  properly 
bug-bears,  having  no  existence  but  in  the  imagi 
nation  of  the  slaveholders.     Like  a  man  who  has 
got  an  idea  that  there  is  a  tremendous  precipice  in 
the  path  just  before  him,  how  cautiously  and  fear 
fully  will  he  grope    his  way,  and   shrink  back, 
involuntarily,  at  the  thought  of  another  step  being 
his   last.     But  when    he  has   passed  the   utmost 
limits  of  the  supposed  danger,  he  will  look  back 
with  surprise  and  chagrin,  at  the  mighty  fears  his 
imagination  had  created.     This  is,  indeed,  a  very 
pretty  supposition,  and  all  that  these  deep  thinkers 
have  to  do  is  to  get  the  slaveholders  safe  beyond 
the  verge  of  the  precipice. 
12 


134  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

V.  What  are  the  views  and  practices  of  the 
slaveholder,  simply  as  a  master,  possessing,  govern 
ing,  and  directing  the  slave,  may  perhaps  be  under 
stood  by  considering 

Secondly,  The  condition  and  treatment  of  the 
slave. 

My  own  observations  will  form  the  basis  of  my 
remarks  on  this  subject.  I  shall  state  what  I  have 
seen  rather  than  what  I  have  heard. 

Upon  entering  a  slave  community  for  the  first 
time,  after  thirty  years'  residence  in  the  free  states, 
my  closest  observation  was  directed  to  the  condi 
tion  and  appearance  of  the  blacks.  I  went  with 
the  feelings  of  a  northern  man — a  liberal  prejudice 
against  slavery.  My  object  was  not  to  pry  into 
secrets,  and  explore  hidden  mysteries, — not  to  hunt 
up  isolated  facts  to  use  as  arguments  against 
slavery — not  to  note  down  trivial  circumstances, 
to  be  expanded  into  marvelous  narratives  to  feed 
insatiable  appetites.  I  had  a  great  curiosity  to  see 
a  system  or  state  of  society,  in  my  own  country, 
about  which  I  had  heard  and  reflected  so  much. 
I  wished  to  see  it,  and  did  see  it,  not  in  corners  or 
in  peculiar  circumstances  of  great  interest,  but  as 
an  institution  of  society  in  its  every  day  appear 
ance.  I  had  no  interference  with  it — did  not  go 
out  of  my  way  to  make  discoveries — but  made  such 
use  of  my  eyes,  ears,  and  tongue,  as  inclination 
prompted. 

Such  is  the  foundation  of  the  following  remarks 
on  the  condition  and  treatment  of  slaves.  I  had 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  135 

no  motive  in  seeing,  which  I  would  not  willingly 
have  made  public — I  have  none  in  writing,  but  the 
well-being  of  my  country.  My  first  impressions 
of  slavery  were  favourable.  Candor  obliges  me  to 
acknowledge  that  in  no  city  of  the  North  of  the 
same  class  have  I  ever  been,  where  the  black 
population  are  so  respectable  in  appearance — so 
well  dressed — well  behaved,  and  apparently  so 

happy,  as  in  the  city  of where  I  first  landed. 

I  am  also  obliged  to  say,  that  this  was  the  best 
specimen  I  saw  in  these  respects, — of  half  a  dozen 
cities  and  large  towns  I  subsequently  visited  in  that 
and  the  neighbouring  states. 

From  what  has  been  said  of  the  familiar  inter 
course  of  household  servants  with  their  masters 
and  families,  it  will  of  course  be  inferred  that  the 
former  are  expected  and  obliged  to  keep  them 
selves  very  neat  and  respectable  in  their  personal 
appearance,  and  habits,  at  least  externally.  And 
they  exhibit  a  very  distinct  relationship  to  the 
human  family  of  a  lighter  complexion,  in  their 
fondness  for  dress  and  finery.  The  most  exquisite 
gentlemen  in  dress  and  politeness  I  ever  saw,  were 
blacks  in  a  slave  city.  House  and  body  servants 
frequently  catch  and  copy  the  manners  of  their 
masters,  so  as  to  exhibit  in  their  address,  and  in 
polite  accomplishments,  an  exact  imitation.  You 
may  observe  two  dandies  pass  in  the  street,  and 
salute  each  other,  and  touch  their  hats  with  a  grace 
which  few  white  men  ever  attain. 

From  the  circumstances  of  their  situation,  the 


136  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

servants  having  close  and  constant  intercourse 
with  the  family,  have  many  privileges  and  advan 
tages.  Their  burdens  are  not  heavy,  their  labours 
far  from  being  severe.  They  appear  to  enjoy  life 
as  well  or  better  than  any  other  class  in  the  com 
munity  ;  and  when  not  actually  employed,  the 
streets  and  corners  are  loud  with  their  gossip  and 
laughter. 

In  descending  to  the  country,  slavery  wears  a 
different  aspect.  According  to  the  circumstances 
and  style  of  the  master,  a  greater  or  less  number 
of  each  sex  are  employed  in  the  necessary  services 
of  the  house,  as  in  the  large  towns ;  the  rest  are  field 
hands  or  outdoor  labourers.  It  is  an  object  for 
slaves  to  get  a  station  about  the  house.  The  labour 
is  lighter,  and  the  fare  better,  and  they  are  all  very 
fond  of  the  good  things  of  the  kitchen. 

The  field  labourers  live  in  huts  by  themselves, 
which,  on  small  plantations,  are  generally  built  in 
the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  family  residence. 
These  huts  are  called  the  negro  quarters,  and  the 
impression  they  made  on  my  mind  was  more 
unfavourable  to  the  practice  of  slavery  than  any 
thing  I  saw.  I  hesitate  not  to  say,  they  are  too 
often  alike  unworthy  the  master  and  the  slave.  I 
doubt  whether  the  cabins  of  the  natives  on  the 
banks  of  the  Gambia  are  so  poor  and  miserable. 
I  never  entered  one  of  them,  but  have  looked  into 
several,  and  seen  numbers  in  traveling.  They  are 
constructed  of  plank  or  logs,  or  logs  and  clay,  and 
are  very  generally  in  a  dilapidated  condition  ;  and 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  137 

from  the  specimens  I  saw,  with  nothing  worthy 
the  name  of  furniture.  The  farmers'  hovels  or 
cattle  sheds  at  the  North,  taking  the  average  of 
both,  are  better  buildings,  except  that  the  cabins  are 
probably  somewhat  tighter.  I  regret  to  say  these 
things — I  say  them  in  hope  of  producing  reform. 

There  is  a  manifest  pride  in  the  master  in  hav 
ing  his  slaves,  particularly  those  about  his  house 
and  person,  in  good  condition ;  but  to  see  a  large 
mansion,  a  worthy  residence  for  a  governor,  with 
its  beautifully  shaded  inclosures  and  graveled 
walks,  and  tasteful  gardens,  flanked  at  a  little  dis 
tance  in  front  by  half  a  dozen  wretched  hovels, 
unfit  to  tenant  any  human  beings,  is  a  scene  un 
worthy  of  old  Virginia. 

The  slaves  on  small  plantations,  and  with  hu 
mane  masters,  are  generally  supplied  with  food 
from  the  household  kitchen.  A  sufficient  quantity 
is  prepared  at  each  meal  for  the  whole  establish 
ment,  and  after  the  master  and  family  have  eaten, 
the  remainder  is  carried  out  to  the  servants  in  their 
quarters,  without  measure  or  weight.  This  is  the 
most  favourable  mode  for  the  slave,  as  he  has  the 
same  food  as  the  master.  But  the  general  practice 
in  feeding  slaves  is  by  rations — a  given  quantity 
to  each  person.  The  great  staple  is  corn.  This 
is  measured  so  much  to  a  person  or  family,  for  a 
given  time,  and  prepared  by  themselves.  I  am 
unable  to  state  to  what  extent  meat  rations  are 
allowed.  Some  masters  deny  meat  to  slaves  al 
together,  but  I  believe  these  are  comparatively 
12* 


138  TO   THE    FREE    STATES. 

few.  In  a  country  where  pork  is  plenty,  and  an 
article  of  universal  consumption,  the  slaves  are 
extensively  furnished  with  it,  and  is  generally  given 
out  to  them,  once  a  year,  at  the  time  of  slaughter 
ing,  so  much  for  an  individual  or  family.  Many 
of  them  also  raise  pigs  and  chickens,  which  they 
may  consume  or  sell.  And  I  believe  it  is  a  very 
general  practice  all  over  the  South,  to  allow  slaves 
patches  of  ground  which  they  may  appropriate  as 
they  please.  They  raise  corn,  cotton,  tobacco,  or 
vegetables,  and  sell  them  for  their  own  profit. 
This  kind  of  tithing,  or  allowing  slaves  a  part  for 
themselves,  is  observable  also  in  other  things.  A 
negro  brings  a  load  of  wood  to  market,  and  you 
will  see  several  long  sticks  slung  on  the  outside  of 
his  cart.  He  delivers  you  the  load,  and  you  ques 
tion  him  about  the  outside  sticks.  "  Dat  mine, 
massa,  I  get  quarter  dollar  for  dat."  You  buy  it 
of  course. 

There  is  also  a  great  variety  of  wild  fruits,  in 
creasing  as  you  proceed  South — to  which  the 
negroes  have  access.  On  large  estates,  and  where 
the  "  force"  is  under  the  control  of  a  hard-hearted 
and  selfish  manager  or  overseer,  I  have  no  doubt 
there  are  instances  of  deprivation  and  actual  suf 
fering.  But  the  reader  may  be  assured  the  negroes 
perfectly  understand  the  first  law  of  nature — self 
support.  If  sufficient  is  not  given  them,  they  have 
little  difficulty  in  helping  themselves.  They  gather 
the  crops,  do  all  the  work,  and  every  thing  that 
is  their  master's  passes  through  their  hands.  The 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  139 

right  is  theirs,  the  moon  and  stars  their  friends ; 
and  dogs,  bolts,  and  bars  are  insufficient  to  keep 
them  from  providing  for  themselves  in  case  of 
necessity.  They  have  also  some  resources,  which 
avail  them  more  or  less.  One  is  grumbling.  They 
are  inveterate  grumblers  when  they  are  not  suited. 
I  have  seen  a  slave  tell  a  white  man,  who  threat 
ened  to  give  him  no  dinner, — very  respectfully  of 
course — that  "  he  could  not  work  without  he  had 
enough  to  eat,"  and  I  have  little  doubt  that  if  the 
slave  was  cut  off  from  his  dinner,  the  master  was 
cut  short  in  his  work.  If  the  slave  has  not  enough 
to  eat,  he  will  obstinately  neglect  or  spoil  his  work 
Experience  has  taught  masters  that  it  is  for  their 
interest  to  have  servants  well  fed,  well  clothed,  and 
well  treated. 

I  am  unwilling  to  believe  the  southern  slave,  except 
in  rare  instances,  suffers  for  want  of  food.  There 
are  here,  as  everywhere  else — brutes  in  human 
form — men  who  fear  not  God  nor  regard  man. 
An  example  was  mentioned  of  a  man,  in  Maryland, 
who  possessed  several  hundred  slaves,  and  from 
whose  manner  of  feeding  them,  both  as  to  quality 
and  quantity,  humanity  revolts.  "  What  do  his 
neighbours  say  about  him  ?"  I  inquired.  "  What 
do  his  neighbours  say  about  him,"  repeated  my 
informant,  (a  slaveholder  himself,) — "  what  don't 
they  say  about  him."  There  is  public  opinion  in 
favour  of  humanity  at  the  South ;  and  the  man  who 
sets  public  opinion  at  defiance  among  slaveholders, 


140  TO    THE    FREE   STATES. 

is  estimated  in  society  there  as  he  is  everywhere 
else. 

The  slaves  are  habituated  to  rise  very  early  in 
the  morning  and  commence  their  labours,  and,  so 
far  as  I  have  observed,  quit  their  work  at  supper 
or  sunset,  and  then  they  are  free  till  the  next  morn 
ing.  It  is  not  customary  to  require  services  of 
field  labourers  after  night  fall,  except  on  extra  oc 
casions,  although,  at  such  times,  I  have  no  doubt, 
unreasonable  services  are  sometimes  required  of 
them. 

With  regard  to  dress,  the  slaves  are  generally 
comfortably  supplied.  Their  clothing  is  strong 
and  coarse,  but  whole  and  decent.  In  many  in 
stances  in  the  country,  the  master  and  servant  are 
clothed  from  the  same  piece.  And  yet  there  are 
some  so  patched,  like  Joseph's  coat,  with  many 
colours,  that  it  would  puzzle  even  Yankee  ingenuity 
to  discover  the  original  cloth.  I  have  seen  some 
suits,  which  must  have  represented  all  the  garments 
used  in  the  family  mansion  since  the  revolution. 
The  common  clothing  is  supplied  by  the  master, 
of  course — generally  in  the  same  mode  as  rations 
— so  many  garments  and  pairs  of  shoes  per  year ; 
but  whenever  a  holiday  suit  is  required,  the  slaves, 
unless  lucky  enough  to  obtain  the  cast  off  garments 
of  the  family,  supply  themselves.  I  believe  most 
slaves  of  both  sexes  have  suits  better  than  their 
every  day  clothing,  and  the  fact  is  creditable  to  the 
master  and  servant.  The  avails  of  their  gardens, 
and  the  means  obtained  for  little  services,  from 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  141 

guests  of  the  family  and  others,  are  expended  for 
this  purpose.  Servants  in  large  towns  and  vicini 
ties  obtain  considerable  money  in  this  way,  which 
is  considered  their  own.  And  probably  not  a  few 
purloin  and  sell  the  property  of  their  masters, 
and  apply  the  avails  to  their  own  use. 

The  main  question  will  here  be  asked,  what  is 
the  personal  treatment  of  the  slave  ?  It  is  a  point 
which  should  be  satisfactorily  settled  if  possible, 
for  there  is  a  great  prejudice  against  slavery  in 
some  sections,  on  account  of  real  or  supposed  in 
humanity  to  the  negro.  And  there  are  some  very 
compassionate  people  who  believe  the  master  is 
engaged,  a  considerable  part  of  his  time,  with  a 
terrible  cat-o'-nine  tails,  and  who  think  the  lash  is 
continually  resounding  from  the  Delaware  to  the 
Sabine.  I  am  by  no  means  prepared  to  answer 
this  question,  from  extensive  observation ;  for  during 
a  year  a  half  contact  with  slavery,  I  have  never 
seen  a  slave  flogged  or  sold.  Doubtless  I  might, 
had  I  been  ambitious  of  looking  up  such  spectacles, 
but  in  "  minding  my  own  business,"  no  such  re 
markable  occurrence  has  fallen  under  my  notice. 
I  will  endeavour,  however,  to  throw  some  light  on 
the  subject,  and  at  least  put  the  reader  in  the  way 
of  answering  the  question  for  himself. 

And  the  first  suggestion  I  would  offer  is  this, 
how  do  the  people  of  the  free  states  treat  their 
servants,  and  how  would  they  treat  them,  were 
they  in  the  bondage  of  southern  negroes  ?  The 
northern  reader  can  immediately  refer  his  thoughts 


142  TO   THE    FREE   STATES. 

to  certain  persons  of  his  acquaintance  who  would 
be  cruel  masters,  but  of  the  great  body  of  his 
neighbours  he  has  a  better  opinion.  Human  na 
ture  is  radically  the  same  every  where.  The  North 
will  perhaps  lay  claim  to  more  religion,  purer 
morals,  and  a  higher  philanthropy  to  soften  their 
dispositions;  and  so  far  as  this  is  the  fact  allowance 
is  to  be  made, — otherwise  they  may  judge  very 
exactly  of  the  treatment  of  southern  slaves,  by  the 
mirrors  in  their  own  bosoms. 

The  slave  is  taught  from  childhood  that  his  busi 
ness  is  to  labour,  and  he  goes  to  his  snail-pace 
employment  as  a  matter  of  course.  On  large  plan 
tations  there  are  overseers  to  direct  the  labourers 
and  "keep  them  at  work.  If  the  slave  should  be 
refractory  or  disobedient,  he  would  be  subdued  in 
a  summary  manner.  If,  in  the  absence  of  the 
master  or  overseer,  he  should  not  perform  a  reason 
able  amount  of  labour,  he  would  very  probably 
suffer  some  punishment,  —  most  likely  corporal 
chastisement — and  certainly  for  a  repetition  of 
neglect.  That  the  master  or  manager  follows 
him  into  the  field,  and  urges  him  forward  with  a 
whip,  is,  I  am  persuaded,  but  a  rare  occurrence ; 
and  that  the  slaves,  as  a  body,  are  not  goaded  and 
driven  in  their  tasks,  I  am  satisfied  from  two  con 
siderations. 

First, — public  sentiment  is  against  it.  There  is, 
as  I  have  before  stated,  a  kind  of  tacit  agreement 
between  the  master  and  slave,  that  the  latter  should 
take  his  own  course  as  to  activity  of  muscular  mo- 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  143 

tion,  provided  he  keeps  regularly  at  work  ;  and  out 
of  his  accustomed  track  he  cannot  be  driven  with 
impunity  or  safety.  About  a  certain  amount  of 
positive  labour  is  expected  of  each  hand,  accord 
ing  to  his  ability.  This  certain  amount  is  pretty 
definitely  understood  by  both  parties,  and  does  not 
exceed  half  of  what  is  performed  by  a  northern 
labourer.  The  master  who  should  persist  in 
forcing  his  hands  to  much  greater  exertion, 
would  generally  find  himself  in  difficulty.  His 
work  would  be  neglected  or  spoiled — his  slaves 
would  run  away,  if  they  did  nothing  worse — he 
would  be  marked  by  the  community  as  an  inhuman 
master,  and  hated  by  his  own  subjects.  It  is  im 
possible  to  keep  slaves  from  communicating  with 
each  other ;  what  is  done  on  one  estate  is  known 
through  the  neighbourhood. 

Secondly, — there  is  prima  facie  evidence  of  the 
general  freedom  of  the  slave  from  great  severity 
of  treatment,  which  to  my  own  mind  is  of  great 
weight.  I  was  greatly  disappointed  at  the  general 
appearance  and  manners  of  this  class  of  society. 
As  a  body  they  are  erect  in  posture,  with  manly 
figures,  personally  in  good  condition  or  well  fed, 
and  with  a  boldness  of  look,  not  found  among 
human  beings,  either  burdened  with  guilt  or  ground 
to  the  dust  by  an  iron  rigour.  A  slave  will  look  a 
white  man  in  the  face  with  as  much  confidence, 
and  as  little  wavering  of  the  eye,  as  one  of  his 
equals.  There  is  an  air  of  servility  about  them  in 
all  their  communications  with  the  whites,  as  a 


144  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

matter  of  course — a  negro  is  taught  to  touch  his 
hat  to  a  white  man  as   a  superior ;   he  does  it  al 
most  mechanically — but  there  is  very  little  abject- 
ness  of  demeanor.     I  have  been  often  struck  with 
these  facts  in  my  observation  of  slavery,  and  they 
afford  conclusive  evidence  that  the  negro  has  not 
lost  all  sense  of  manliness  in  his  bondage.     There 
is  a  large  number  among  them  who  appear  almost 
to  have  lost  the  idea  of  slavery.     Many  of  them 
have   the   management  of    farms  at    a    distance 
from  their  masters,  with  a  sufficient  force  to  per 
form  the  labour.     I  have   had  acquaintance  with 
some  such,  who  for  that   information  most  useful 
to  farmers,  such  as  is  derived  from  experience  and 
observation,  are  equal   to   white    men  —  perhaps 
superior;  for  being  ignorant  of  letters,  their  mental 
capacities  are  all  centered  in  observing  the  opera 
tions  of  nature,  and  the  practices  of  other  men — 
while  for  shrewdness  and  manliness  in  managing 
bargains,  they  are  not  a  whit  behind  their  masters. 
Many  are  teamsters  or   wagoners,  who   are  in 
trusted  with  loads  of  produce  to  carry  to  market, 
— sometimes  on  journeys  of  hundreds  of  miles ; 
and  carry  back  merchandize  for  the  country  mer 
chants.     Others  are  mechanics,  millers,  or  coach 
men,  all  of  whom  are  men  in  manners,  deportment, 
and  sagacity,  far  above  the  degree  which  ignorance 
of  practical  slavery  has  assigned  to  such  a  state. 
I  believe  the  idea  of  degradation  dwells  much  more 
strongly  in  the  breast  of  the  master  than  the  slave. 
Some  of  the  former,  at  least  in  sentiment,  profess  to 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  145 

hold  the  latter  as  an  inferior  to  the  last  degree.  A 
white  man — (and  a  Christian  man  if  profession 
makes  a  Christian),  said,  "  I  will  lose  the  last  drop 
of  my  blood  before  I  will  be  insulted  by  a  negro," 
although  the  insult  in  this  instance  consisted  in  the 
slave  refusing  to  do  what  he  was  ordered,  having 
received  a  contrary  order  from  another,  who  had 
at  least  an  equal  right  to  his  services.  Of  course 
this  Christian  man  was  in  a  tremendous  passion. 

There  is  a  very  general  belief  throughout  the 
South,  that  the  negro  requires  a  chastisement  oc 
casionally  ;  a  sort  of  periodical  flogging,  to  keep 
him  obedient  and  respectful — otherwise  he  would 
become  impudent,  insolent,  and  intolerable.  I  am 
not  sufficiently  acquainted  with  slavery  in  detail, 
to  judge  the  correctness  of  this  common,  almost 
universal,  sentiment ;  nor  whether  the  practice  of 
the  master  accords  with  his  belief.  But  I  have 
heard  the  remark  from  persons  living  in  the  slave 
states,  and  who  were  opposed  to  slavery  from 
principle,  giving,  as  a  strong  feature  of  the  negro's 
character,  an  inclination  to  be  impudent  and  in 
solent. 

But  one  fact  is  very  evident ;  they  are  very 
much  inclined  to  scold,  and  fret,  and  quarrel 
among  themselves,  especially  females,  and  require 
a  firm  voice  and  steady  hand  to  keep  them  from 
uproar,  or  injuring  one  another.  It  is  a  curious 
fact,  that  the  last  epithet  of  reproach  which  they 
can  use  in  anger,  is  to  call  each  other  negro.  If 
ordered  by  one  of  their  own  colour  to  do  any  thing 
13 


146  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

to  which  they  have    a  disinclination,  the  scornful 
answer  is,  "  I  don't  do  nigger's  work." 

In  summing  up  the  particulars  mentioned  on  this 
subject,  I  am  ready  to  conclude  that,  in  the  physical 
treatment  of  southern  slaves,  they  are  better  off 
than  their  fellows  of  any  other  age  or  country. 
In  view  of  the  fearful  power  of  the  master  to  pos 
sess,  work,  punish,  or  sell  the  slave  almost  beyond 
responsibility ;  and  in  view  of  the  disposition  of 
men  to  exceed  the  bounds  of  justice  or  modera 
tion  where  they  have  power,  it  must  be  conceded 
the  southern  slave  has  a  very  tolerable  lot ;  and 
his  condition  must  of  necessity  grow  better  or 
worse.  He  cannot  stand  still  while  the  world  is  ad 
vancing  around  him.  The  increasing  light  must  be 
hidden  from  him,  or  it  will  have  a  decided  influence 
upon  him.  Though  at  an  almost  immeasurable  dis 
tance,  he  follows  in  the  footsteps  of  his  master. 
Although  his  fellow  man  has  denied  him  the  use  of 
letters,  he  cannot  deprive  him  of  those  avenues  to 
the  mind  with  which  God  has  endowed  him.  The 
negro  sees  the  triumph  of  art  in  the  steamboat  and 
rail-road,  and  he  feels  a  degree  of  the  enthusiasm 
of  his  master.  He  even  feels  a  pride  of  country 
in  these  achievements  of  art.  His  constant  inter 
course  with  his  white  superiors  has  imparted  a 
portion  of  their  intelligence  to  him.  He  reflects 
and  reasons,  although  in  a  limited  sphere,  and  as 
sociates  the  ideas  of  freedom  and  wealth  with  all 
the  improvements  around  him.  To  be  sure,  habit 
and  hereditary  degradation  have  destined  him  to  a 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  147 

life  of  servility.  Every  thing  about  him — all  his 
senses — combine  to  teach  him  that  his  master  is 
strong,  and  he  weak  ;  the  one  rich,  the  other  poor. 
But  the  advancement  of  society  will  find  him  a 
willing  disciple,  and  an  apt  scholar;  and  when  the 
amount  of  knowledge  among  slaves  shall  be  suffi 
cient  for  them  to  exert  an  influence  upon  each 
other,  and  thus  impart  intelligence  among  them 
selves,  faster  than  that  received  by  reflection  from 
the  master,  as  at  present,  the  relative  position  of 
the  community  will  soon  be  very  different.  The 
influence  or  result  of  that  change,  time  only  can 
determine. 

VI.  I  will  here  make  a  few  remarks  on  the  free 
blacks  of  the  South.  As  a  class,  they  are  in  a 
worse  condition  than  the  slaves.  They  have  little 
more  intelligence,  and  are  more  out  of  the  way  of 
acquiring  information,  being  at  a  greater  distance, 
and  having  less  intercourse  with  the  whites.  They 
look  upon  the  slaves  as  being  obliged  to  work,  and 
they  exhibit  positive  evidence  of  being  free  from 
the  obligation  by  their  idleness.  It  is  also  a  very 
general  belief  that  they  get  their  living  mostly  by 
stealing.  They  are  not  so  well  clothed,  and  less 
respectable  in  appearance  and  manners,  than  the 
slaves.  They  are  also  a  source  of  continual  sus 
picion,  and  their  situation  seems  to  be  in  every 
respect  unpleasant  and  unfavourable  to  improve 
ment. 

But  to  these  general  remarks  there  is  an  interest- 


148  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

ing  exception.  In  all  the  cities  of  the  South,  there 
is  a  class  of  free  blacks  who  have  risen  above  all 
the  obstacles  that  surround  them,  and,  by  perse 
verance  in  well  doing,  have  established  a  character 
for  honesty  and  industry,  and  are  in  prosperous 
circumstances.  They  are  barbers,  mechanics, 
porters,  hackmen,  and,  especially,  waiters.  This 
last  appears  to  be  the  most  suitable  employment 
for  the  negro.  It  is  a  situation  which  seems  to  be 
adapted  to  his  taste  and  genius,  and  he  takes  pride 
in  showing  his  capability  in  it.  Experience  makes 
him  an  adept  in  all  its  details.  It  is  here,  if  any 
where,  his  activity  and  energy  are  brought  to  light. 
And  from  the  acknowledged  worthlessness  of  the 
great  body  of  servants,  those  in  whom  confidence 
can  be  placed  are  always  in  demand,  and  obtain 
good  wages. 

VII.  As  a  suitable  conclusion  to  this  part  of  the 
subject,  I  purpose  to  offer  a  few  remarks  on  the 
condition  of  the  blacks  in  the  free  states.  In  doing 
this,  I  shall  avoid  all  extended  comparisons.  It 
has  required  some  exertion  of  the  will  throughout 
this  work  to  keep  my  pen  from  instituting  compa 
risons  between  the  North  and  South,  while  treating 
of  slavery.  Many  might  be  made  highly  illustra 
tive  of  sectional  characteristics,  but  I  am  aware 
they  might  seem  invidious  to  certain  classes  of 
persons,  and  would  perhaps  have  a  tendency  to 
deepen  that  feeling  of  prejudice  (already  sufficiently 
watchful),  which  it  should  be  the  aim  of  every 


% 

TO   THE    FREE    STATES.  149 

person,  whose  object  is  the  dissemination  of  truth 
and  justice,  to  allay. 

This  would  be  a  suitable  place  for  treating  upon 
the  capacity  and  character  of  the  African,  but  the 
discussion  of  that  subject  does  not  fall  within  the 
limits  of  this  work.  I  will  venture,  however,  to 
remark,  that,  in  the  present  condition  of  the  negro, 
the  community  will  never  agree  respecting  it. 
Reflections  will  naturally  arise  in  the  minds  of  the 
inquisitive,  but  it  would  be  altogether  unjust  to 
judge  of  what  he  is  capable  of  attaining,  as  an  in 
tellectual  being,  from  his  present  state.  It  is  an 
undeniable  fact,  that,  throughout  this  Union,  he 
is  considered  and  treated  as  a  degraded  inferior. 
When  we  reflect  upon  the  slow  progress  made 
even  by  our  English  forefathers,  in  the  arts  of  life 
and  mental  cultivation  for  three  hundred  years 
past,  at  which  period  the  mass  of  the  people  were 
probably  behind  the  present  American  negroes, 
we  can  form  some  opinion  of  the  length  of  time 
the  latter  would  require,  in  the  most  favourable 
circumstances,  before  it  would  be  fair  to  decide 
upon  his  capacity.  That  he  partakes  in  an  emi 
nent  degree  of  the  indolence  and  the  propensity  for 
animal  indulgence,  so  conspicuous  in  the  natives  of 
warm  climates,  cannot  be  questioned ;  whether 
they  are  increased  or  diminished  by  his  condition 
of  slavery,  it  is  difficult  to  determine.  That  he  is 
the  subject  of  strong  passions,  both  fierce  and 
gentle,  must  be  evident  to  every  one  who  has  made 
any  observation  on  his  character.  The  following 
13* 


150 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 


anecdote  has  often  occurred  to  me  in  observing 
the  condition  of  the  African  race,  as  illustrative  of 
its  degraded,  unsocial  state  in  this  country.  I  was 
acquainted  with  a  very  respectable  coloured  shoe 
maker,  while  a  resident  of  one  of  the  northern 
cities,  a  few  years  ago,  whom  I  sometimes  em 
ployed  in  his  occupation.  I  frequently  entered  into 
conversation  with  him,  and,  observing  several 
white  men  in  his  employ,  endeavoured  to  excite  in 
him  a  feeling  of  sympathy  in  favour  of  his  race. 

I  immediately  discovered  that  the  subject  was  one 
on  which  he  had  been  thoughtful.  "  Sir,"  said  he, 
suspending  his  work,  and  looking  me  in  the  face, 
"  I  have  tried  to  do  them  good,  but  I  can't.  They 
won't  learn.  I  have  had  a  dozen  coloured  appren 
tices,' and  they  every  one  left  me  after  staying  one, 
two,  or  four  months.  They  were  never  used  to 
any  work,  and  it  was  so  irksome  to  be  confined 
to  it,  they  had  rather  run  away,  and  live  by  begging 
and  stealing.  Not  one  in  twenty  will  make  a  man 
good  for  any  regular  business.  It  is  the  fault  of 
their  parents." 

Every  northern  man  can  judge  how  far  this 
statement  of  the  coloured  shoemaker  is  a  fair 
representation  of  the  character  of  the  blacks  of  his 
acquaintance. 

Now  permit  me  to  ask  you,  citizens  of  the  free 
states,  what  is  the  moral  and  physical  condition 
of  your  black  population?  Are  you  authorized,  in 
view  of  a  comparison  between  them  and  the  south 
ern  slave,  to  throw  the  first  stone?  The  fathers 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  151 

of  these  blacks  were  slaves.  In  your  wisdom,  you 
gave  them  prospective  freedom.  Their  emanci 
pation  is  now  nearly  complete.  What  improve 
ment  have  they  made  as  a  community,  and  what 
influence  have  you  exerted  on  them,  and  they  on 
you  1  Again ;  with  a  knowledge  of  their  habits 
and  character  would  you  be  willing  to  have  a 
black  population,  as  numerous  as  that  at  the  South, 
added  to  your  own  1  If  I  mistake  not,  the  condi 
tion  of  the  blacks  among  you,  does  not  reflect  much 
credit  upon  your  philanthropy.  You  hate  slavery. 
I  fear  you  also  hate  the  negro.  Certainly  there  is 
a  great  lack  of  evidence  that  you  regard  his  wel 
fare.  Your  blacks  are  in  many  respects  in  a  worse 
condition  than  those  in  the  South.  They  are 
actually,  as  a  body,  more  out  of  the  way  of  im 
provement.  You  have  no  immediate  intercourse 
with  them.  You  hold  them  at  a  great  distance. 
Generally  ignorant,  suffering  under  the  ban  of  a 
felt  neglect  and  degradation,  their  liberty  seems 
to  be  comprized  in  a  freedom  to  commit  vice.  In 
a  civilized  and  Christian  community,  they  receive 
scarcely  any  of  its  benefits.  True,  many  of  them 
in  the  large  towns  are  respectable  waiters,  barbers, 
and  kitchen  servants,  but  in  the  country,  and  the 
vicinity  of  your  villages,  the  negroes  are  scattered 
in  rude  huts — perhaps  a  little  better  than  those 
mentioned  in  Virginia — at  a  distance  from  other 
habitations,  and  live  precariously  by  day's  work 
and  pilfering.  The  farmers  generally  reject  their 
services,  because  there  is  no  dependence  upon 


152  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

them.  They  almost  universally  drink  to  excess, 
and  are  otherwise  in  gross  debasement.  The 
churches  and  public  schools  are  indeed  open  to 
them,  but  it  requires  a  degree  of  hardihood  but  few 
persons  in  their  circumstances  possess  to  avail 
themselves  of  these  privileges.  Do  the  ministers 
look  them  up,  like  stray  sheep,  and  invite  them  to 
the  sanctuary  ?  Do  the  teachers  encourage  them 
to  attend  school ;  and  if  any  of  them  come,  do  they 
take  an  interest  in  their  instruction,  or  turn  them 
off,  with  such  attention  as  is  "  good  enough  for 
negroes  ?"  Do  the  community,  as  a  body,  exhort, 
encourage,  and  strive  to  lead  them  in  the  ways  of 
well  doing,  or  do  they,  by  their  neglect  and  re 
proaches,  pronounce  them  out  of  the  pale  of  decency 
and  respectability  ?  In  proof  that  the  above  is  the 
character  and  condition  of  your  black  population, 
I  appeal  to  the  calendars  of  your  courts,  and  the 
records  of  your  jails  and  penitentiaries.  Examine 
these,  and  see  what  proportion  the  convictions  for 
murder  and  penitentiary  crimes  bear  to  the  rela 
tive  population  of  white  and  black.  If  there  is 
great  disparity  against  the  latter,  the  cause  must 
be  found,  either  in  a  more  vicious  disposition,  or 
in  the  unfavourable  circumstance  of  his  situation. 
I  leave  you  to  the  choice  of  the  dilemma. 

It  appears  to  me  evident,  that  there  is  deep, 
unmitigated  prejudice  against  the  negro.  His  con 
dition  and  situation  in  the  free  states  proclaim  this. 
In  how  many  of  these  states  can  he  be  a  legal 
freeman  or  voter,  let  his  property  or  respectability 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  153 

be  what  they  will?  Legislative  acts,  and  the 
popular  voice  also,  proclaim  this.  I  will  instance 
only  one  fact,  the  result  of  the  Canterbury  School 
in  Connecticut.  Public  opinion  was  very  deliber 
ately  brought  to  bear  on  that  question,  and  the 
consequence  was,  a  judgment  of  the  highest  court — 
sustained  by  the  public,  and  more  recently  sanc 
tioned  by  legislative  enactments,  in  the  little  but 
enlightened  state  of  Connecticut,  that  the  negro 
was  not  a  citizen,  in  the  high  and  proper  sense  of 
the  term — but  a  being  inferior  to  the  white  man. 
Now  it  appears  to  me  evident  that  justice  requires 
the  free  states  to  improve  the  condition  of  their 
blacks,  before  they  take  any  urgent  steps  for  the 
emancipation  of  the  southern  slave.  The  South 
might  now  very  justly  say  to  them,  if  you  have  so 
great  a  regard  for  the  negro,  begin  at  home ; 
educate  and  elevate  your  own,  make  them  good 
citizens,  honest  and  intelligent,  and  then  you  may 
hold  them  up  to  the  view  of  the  world,  as  examples 
of  the  capability  and  worth  of  the  negro  among  a 
community  of  whites.  At  present,  we  can  see  no, 
improvement  in  the  African  by  emancipatiori,/rom 
your  example.  At  least,  let  us  have  a  plain  example 
to  follow,  before  we  are  called  upon  to  give  up 
our  inheritance. 

I  have  stated  my  conviction  in  a  former  chapter, 
that  slavery  is  destined  to  come  to  an  end.  But 
there  is  no  good  foundation  for  the  belief  that 
emancipation  will  be  sudden  or  immediate.  And 
whenever  the  period  arrives,  the  work  must  be 


154  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

accomplished  either  by  the  free  action  of  the  slave 
states,  or  a  civil  convulsion.  Suppose  for  a  mo 
ment,  the  righteous  judgment  of  Heaven  should 
permit  the  latter,  what  reason  have  you  to  offer 
why  you  should  not  suffer  your  full  share  of  the 
calamity  1  In  a  moral  point  of  view,  the  North, 
or  free  states,  are  not  guiltless  in  this  matter. 
They  have  another  burden  to  be  removed,  besides 
the  sin  of  being  part  of  a  slave  nation.  Northern 
cupidity  carried  slaves  from  Africa,  and  sold  them 
to  the  South.  And  there  are  plenty  of  merchants 
and  sailors  among  you  who  would  do  it  now,  were 
it  not  unlawful.  Some  of  the  most  costly  mansions 
in  New  England  were  built  with  the  profits  of  this 
traffic,  and  still  stand  as  monuments  of  its  great 
ness.  Why  not  go  to  the  owners  of  this  property, 
and  bid  them  sell  it,  and  give  the  money  to  bene 
volent  objects,  as,  in  some  measure,  an  atonement 
for  the  guilt.  In  some  instances  the  lineal  de 
scendants  of  the  slave  dealer  occupy  the  premises, 
just  as  the  sons  of  the  original  purchasers  possess 
the  southern  slave. 

Some  of  you  have  heard  from  the  lips  of  the  old 
negro,  by  the  youthful  fireside,  the  story  of  his 
being  ambushed  and  stolen  by  the  white  man, 
while  playing  with  his  mates  among  the  palms  of 
his  native  Guinea.  Could  the  cry  of  Africa  for 
retribution  be  heard  by  mortal  ears,  it  would  fall 
with  appalling  sound  upon  the  Christian  land  of 
New  England  and  the  free  states.  What  have 
they  done  to  atone  for  these  forgotten  wrongs  ? 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  155 

Has  emancipation  done  it  ?  It  does  not  acquit  the 
robber  or  assassin,  to  promise  he  will  not  repeat 
the  crime.  Paying  a  thousand  new  debts  will 
never  cancel  an  old  one.  After  serving  yourselves 
as  long  as  you  thought  prudent  with  these  slaves, 
you  turned  them  loose  upon  the  wide  world,  poor, 
ignorant,  friendless,  without  even  a  "  God  bless 
you"  to  cheer  their  lot ;  and  now  you  spurn  and 
reproach,  and  heap  indignity  upon  them,  because 
they  do  not  in  a  moment  rise  up  miraculously  your 
equals.  Oh,  the  henrt  that  kindles  in  commisera 
tion  of  human  suffering  is  ready  to  wish  these 
injured  outcasts  might  borrow  the  jewels  of  gold, 
and  jewels  of  silver,  and  precious  things  of  their 
neighbours,  like  their  fellow  bondmen  of  old,  and 
like  them  escape  in  their  father-land,  to  enjoy,  with 
God's  blessing,  the  reward  of  their  fathers'  labours 
in  peace. 

Or,  what  will  you  gain,  morally  or  physically, 
from  the  result  of  this  fearful  struggle  ?  Suppose 
you  demand  emancipation.  The  South  repels 
your  demand  as  unjust,  and  dares  you  to  the  trial 
of  right.  Will  you  be  more  prosperous,  or  leave 
a  better  name,  or  better  inheritance  to  your  pos 
terity,  or  rejoice  in  emancipation,  after  the  work  is 
accomplished  by  violence.  Will  you  rejoice  in.  the 
ruins  of  a  country — of  a  nation  of  brothers,  which 
your  own  doings  have  investigated  1  I  have  thus 
imagined  a  scene,  which  may  Heaven  never  suffer 
to  be  realized.  It  is  indeed  not  beyond  the  limits 
of  human  folly,  but  there  is  great  reason  to  hope 


150  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

that  forbearance  and  justice  will  prevail,  and  this 
fair  and  glorious  inheritance  of  ours  will  be  spared 
the  horrors  of  a  civil  or  a  servile  war. 

Let  the  North  be  assured  that  the  South  is  not 
a  whit  behind  her  in  patriotic  devotion  to  this 
Union.  The  South  loves  the  Union,  and  is  willing 
to  make  important  sacrifices  for  its  preservation. 
Through  the  Revolution,  and  in  all  the  national 
struggles  since,  she  has  borne  a  conspicuous  part. 
In  this  controversy,  she  asks,  as  a  question  of  simple 
justice  and  legal  right,  for  the  same  quiet  posses 
sion  of  her  domestic  policy  that  you  enjoy  in  yours. 
She  asks  it  as  a  right  conferred  on  her  by  the  con 
federation  of  the  states.  So  far  from  being  an 
infraction  of  the  Constitution,  she  claims  that  it 
distinctly  recognizes  slavery.  And  she  will  charge 
you  with  the  consequences  of  breaking  your  solemn 
obligations,  in  sealing  that  instrument,  if  you  offer 
such  an  interference  with  her  rights,  as  will  lead 
to  a  dissolution  of  the  Union. 

But  you  claim  to  be  actuated  by  higher  motives 
than  mere  patriotism.  You  found  your  interference 
upon  the  question  of  moral  right — the  claims  of 
eternal  justice  and  truth.  Exhibit  your  evidence 
that  Heaven  has  delegated  you  to  sit  in  judgment 
upon  the  moral  conduct  of  your  fellows,  and  every 
good  man  in  the  Union  will  rally  to  your  standard. 
But  your  most  distinguished  writers  on  morals, 
explicitly  deny  that  you  have  any  right  to  offer 
coercive  interference.  Such  a  proceeding  would 
inevitably  make  matters  worse. 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES.  157 

Rather  than  consent  to  this,  I  would  say,  leave 
slavery  to  the  course  of  events  ordained  by  Divine 
Providence.  I  do  not  ask  you  to  abate  your 
abhorrence  of  slavery.  I  know  its  strength.  But 
I  do  ask  you  to  ponder  well  the  course  of  action 
you  pursue :  as  has  been  said  in  appealing  to  the 
South,  so  I  say  to  you,  sacrifice  even  slavery  to 
the  Union.  In  view  of  present  evil,  or  future  retri 
bution,  there  can  be  little  hesitation  in  the  bosom 
of  a  good  man,  in  choosing  whether  to  bear  the 
sin  of  belonging  to  a  slave  nation,  or  of  taking  a 
part  in  forcibly  overthrowing  it.  And  I  put  this 
question  distinctly  to  the  clergy  of  the  free  states, 
a  class  of  men  whom  1  extensively  know  to  be 
philanthropists  and  republicans ;  and  generally 
worthy  of  the  great  influence  they  possess  on 
questions  of  morals.  In  a  community  so  intelli 
gent,  and  moral,  and  religiously  influenced  as  the 
North,  the  clergy  will  have  to  bear,  in  a  great  mea 
sure,  the  responsibility  of  the  decision  on  this  sub 
ject,  whatever  it  may  be. 

Again.  If  you  begin  deliberately  to  inquire  what 
you  shall  do  to  correct  the  wrong  of  slavery,  first 
examine  the  heart — go  down  into  its  deepest  re 
cesses,  and  discover,  if  possible,  the  motives  from 
which  you  are  to  act.  The  judgment  is  greatly 
liable  to  be  prejudiced  and  influenced  by  early 
associations,  and  long-cherished  opinions,  and 
modes  of  thinking.  What  is  your  practice,  or 
what  agency  do  you  exert  in  abolishing  other 
evils'?  As  Christians  you  are  opposed  to  intem- 
*14 


158  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

perance  and  pagan  idolatry,  as  republicans  to  mo 
narchy  and  tyranny.  But  you  never  seriously  think 
of  opposing  these  and  other  practices  different  from 
your  own,  with  any  other  weapons  than  those  of 
persuasion.  Perhaps  you  will  say,  all  these  evils  are 
foreign ;  whereas  slavery  is  an  evil  in  our  own  coun 
try,  and  among  our  own  citizens.  True,  but  for  that 
very  reason  ought  you  to  exercise  greater  forbear 
ance  and  charity.  These  fellow-citizens  enjoy  the 
same  rights,  privileges,  immunities,  and  blessings  as 
yourselves.  The  liberty,  civil  and  religious,  which 
you  enjoy,  is  a  common  inheritance,  equally 
possessed,  equally  purchased.  These  citizens  prac 
tise  customs  different  from  your  own,  and  in  your 
view  incompatible  with  civil  liberty  and  moral 
accountability.  But  is  it  not  an  unwarrantable 
assurance  which  arraigns  them  before  the  bar  of 
your  judgment.  They  acknowledge  neither  the 
crime  nor  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court.  You  send 
missionaries  to  convert  the  heathen,  but  you  in 
struct  them  not  to  coerce,  but  to  persuade  and  con 
vince  the  gross  idolater.  Have  you  so  little  faith 
in  the  agency  of  these  instruments  in  reclaiming 
your  equals,  that  you  resort  to  violence  and  de 
nunciation  1 

If  you  discovered  your  brother  in  a  place  of 
danger  of  which  he  was  unconscious,  would  you 
endeavour  to  show  him  his  situation  in  a  kind  or 
a  harsh  manner?  Would  you  burst  forth  in  a 
torrent  of  reproach  at  his  folly  or  want  of  foresight, 
in  bringing  himself  into  this  danger ;  or  would  you 


TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 


159 


propose  some  mode  of  relief  or  escape,  in  a  spirit 
of  brotherly  affection  and  sympathy  'I  Which  does 
Christian  and  moral  benevolence  dictate  1  Which 
will  have  the  most  powerful  influence,  in  view  of 
the  character  of  human  nature  ?  Have  you  fol 
lowed  the  guidance  of  wisdom,  and  the  "  golden 
rules"  in  treating  this  subject  1  Instead  of  offering 
friendly  assistance  and  persuasion,  have  you  not 
oftener  charged  them  as  slaveholders,  with  the 
crime  of  living  in  known  violation  of  the  laws  of 
God  and  man  1 — while  a  great  majority  of  them, 
be  assured,  acknowledge  no  such  crime.  Instead 
of  exhorting  them  to  repentance,  in  the  spirit  and 
language  of  St.  Paul,  have  you  not  frequently 
denounced  against  them  the  judgments  of  Heaven? 
Instead  of  offering  to  relieve  them  of  a  burden,  you 
have  heaped  ridicule  upon  it. 

And  especially,  will  you  denounce  all  slave 
holders  as  on  one  common  level  ?  Will  you,  by 
your  action  and  measures,  force  those  back  with 
the  multitude,  who  are  anxiously  looking  for  some 
way  of  escape  from  their  bondage  ?  The  reason 
that  the  South  fling  back  every  thing  that  comes 
from  the  North,  is  the  fault  of  the  latter.  The 
spirit  and  language  of  the  North,  when  speaking  of 
slavery,  has  been  without  discrimination  ;  harsh, 
bitter,  reproachful.  There  are  many  exceptions, 
but  this  is  the  fact  generally.  Comparisons  have 
been  drawn  unfavourable  to  the  South,  and  touch 
ing  them  in  very  sensible  points.  Besides  this, 
you  make  no  allowance  for  the  sanctions  of  time 


160  TO    THE    FREE    STATES. 

and  custom  ;  none  for  the  peculiar  circumstances, 
for  the  long-cherished  feelings  and  habits  of  slave 
holders.  Believe  it ;  there  are  many  men,  men  of 
great  respectability,  south  of  the  Potomac,  who 
consider  themselves  in  far  greater,  more  distressing 
bondage,  by  the  system  of  slavery,  than  their  own 
slaves.  I  say  this,  from  a  firm  conviction  of  its 
truth.  There  are  others  who  are  halting  between 
two  opinions.  Now  I  verily  believe  that  the  tend 
ency  of  northern  action,  and  northern  language, 
and  northern  feeling,  is  to  drive  these  men  back  to 
a  reconciliation  with  slavery,  instead  of  offering 
them  sympathy  and  aid  in  a  manner  which  they 
can  accept. 

The  modern  improvements  of  the  age  in  the  arts 
of  life  have  in  themselves  no  power  to  make  men 
radically  better.  Their  aim  is  entirely  superficial. 
They  have  no  influence  upon  the  heart,  the  seat  of 
moral  affections.  Their  tendency  is  to  inflate 
little  man  with  great  pride.  Luxury  and  effemi 
nacy,  vice  and  oppression,  follow  their  footsteps 
with  fearful  certainty.  Nothing  but  that  spirit  of 
benevolence  which  was  manifested  by  Him,  who, 
when  he  was  reviled,  reviled  not  again ;  whom  the 
direst  persecution  could  not  swerve  from  pursuing 
the  object  of  his  mission  into  the  world — unsought 
and  unrequited  goodwill  to  men :  nothing  but  this 
spirit  can  save  our  country,  or  carry  it  safely 
through  the  agitation  and  distraction  of  this  vexing, 
this  momentous  controversy. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


TO  THE  UNION. 

I.  What  can  be  done  1    Subject  of  vast  magnitude — radical 
difference  of  opinion. 

II.  Three  modes  of  settling  the  question  stated. 

III.  Faint  hope  that  either  side  will  abandon  its  position — ultra 
slaveholders — violence  of  southern  excitement  a  favourable  omen 
— no  prospect  of  the  North  becoming  in  favour  of  slavery — rea 
sons — will  not  use  force  against  it. 

IV.  Dissolution  of  the  Union  considered — its  probable  conse 
quences  and  result. 

V.  Third  mode  of  settling  the  question — by  compromise  and 
concession — why  it  may  be  hoped  for — desirable  that  southern 
men  should  express  their  views — prevented  by  abolition  move 
ments. 

VI.  Colonization  recommended — abolitionists  opposed — mista 
ken   philanthropy — colonization   emancipation   must   become   a 
national  question.     South  will  reject  every  other  mode — urged 
from  motives  of  regard  for  the  welfare  of  the  coloured  race — ne 
groes  cannot  rise  to  equality  with  the  whites — proved  in  the  free 
states — in  Philadelphia — slaves  to  remain  in  the  country  as  hired 
servants  considered — South  will  oppose  it,  and  why — no  encour 
agement  from  the  example  of  the  North.     British  emancipation 
referred  to — final  consequences  not  known. 

VII.  Why  the  coloured  man  should  go  to  Africa — climate  con 
sidered — comparisons  invited — America  owes  it  to  Africa  to  send 
back  her  children.     God  intends  it  by  our  prosperity — government 
must  do  it — influences  of  colonization  on  Africa.     Question   of 
expense  alluded  to — money  lost  in  Florida  war. 

VIII.  Some  slave  states  have  begun  the  work — reasons  for 
government  interference — partizan  politics,  the  curse  of  our  coun 
try — the  only  hope  of  benevolence  in  the  future. 


Liberty  and  union,  now  and  forever,  one  and  inseparable. 

I.  "  WHAT  can  be  done  to  settle  the  agitation  on 
the  great  subject  of  slavery;  and  decide  the  con- 
14* 


162  TO    THE    UNION-. 

troversy  in  an  amicable  manner,  satisfactory  to  all 
parties;  with  reference  to  the  claims  of  justice, 
and  the  best  interests  of  humanity'?"  This  question 
is  often  asked  by  men  of  inquisitive  and  reflecting 
minds ;  but  in  view  of  its  vast  magnitude,  and  the 
difficulties  which  seem  to  bar  up  every  avenue  of 
approach,  human  wisdom  bows  before  it. 

There  is  indeed  no  lack  of  propositions  on  the 
subject ;  but  none  has  been  offered  which  is  not 
objectionable  to  large  portions  of  the  community. 
And  while  the  suggestions  of  common  minds  are 
rejected  as  unequal  to  the  exigency,  men  of  wiser 
and  more  comprehensive  judgment  will  cautiously 
deliberate  before  assenting  to  propositions,  which, 
however  plausible  in  theory,  involve  an  unknown 
amount  of  experiment  in  the  execution.  It  is  not 
the  welfare  of  an  individual  which  is  at  stake,  but 
a  question  respecting  the  rights  and  the  well  being 
of  six  or  seven  millions  of  fellow-men.  In  another 
view,  the  integrity  of  a  nation,  already  one  of  the 
first  rank — and  destined,  as  far  as  human  foresight 
can  judge,  to  exceed  all  that  have  preceded  it  in 
intellectual  and  physical  power,  and  promising 
by  its  youthful  enterprise  and  intelligence  to  exert 
a  powerful  agency  in  the  great  drama  of  human 
affairs. 

But  the  greatest  obstacle  to  the  settlement  of 
this  question,  arises  from  the  fact,  that  there  is 
at  present,  beyond  all  controversy,  a  radical  dif 
ference  of  opinion  between  the  free  and  slave 
states  on  the  subject.  There  are  great  classes  on 


TO    THE    UNlOtf.  163 

each  side,  whose  views  differ  respecting  various 
minor  points;  but  as  communities,  they  will  unite 
on  the  great  principles ;  the  latter,  that  slavery  in 
their  circumstances  is  justifiable  and  lawful ;  and 
the  former,  that  it  is  unlawful  in  all  circumstances 
whatever.  Admitting  these  views  of  the  case  to 
be  correct  (and  I  would  gladly  be  convinced  of 
error  if  wrong),  there  are  but  three  modes  of  set 
tling  the  question. 

II.  First.  By  one  side  giving  up  the  principle. 

Second.  By  a  dissolution  of  the  Union. 

Thirdly.  By  mutual  concession  and  compromise. 
The  attention  of  the  reader  is  directed  to  some 
remarks  on  each  of  these  modes. 

HI.  On  the  first,  I  purpose  to  be  very  brief,  as 
the  former  chapters  have  anticipated  the  most 
prominent  facts  and  reflections  on  this  head. 

With  their  present  views,  and  in  the  position 
they  now  occupy  with  regard  to  each  other,  there 
is  scarcely  a  ray  of  hope  that  either  side  will 
abandon  the  ground  it  has  taken.  From  the  unfa 
vourable  commencement  of  the  controversy,  the 
parties  are  not  in  a  mood  to  look  at  the  subject 
dispassionately.  The  consequence  resulting  from 
the  agitation  thus  far,  is  a  determination  of  each 
side  to  adhere  to,  and  persist  in,  its  sectional  views 
with  increased  prejudice.  Pushed  but  a  little 
further,  this  result  will  eventuate  in  the  direst 
national  calamity. 


164  TO    THE    UNION. 

With  regard  to  the  South,  it  is  impossible  to 
predict  what  influence  may  result  from  a  more 
sober  and  conciliating  tone,  or  a  proposition  to 
compromise,  from  the  northern  states  ;  nor  from 
the  great  experiments  which  are  in  progress  in  the 
British  colonies ;  nor  from  the  increasing  light  and 
improvements  of  the  age ;  but  with  their  present 
views  and  feelings,  the  South  is  ready  to  join 
issue  with  all  the  world  on  the  main  question — the 
right  of  slavery.  Perhaps  below  the  latitude  of 
Tennessee,  a  great  majority  hold  it  with  Governor 
McDuffie  of  South  Carolina,  who  invoked  Heaven 
that  "  his  posterity,  to  the  latest  generation,  might 
never  live  in  any  other  state  than  one  of  domestic 
slavery."  I  never  saw  a  northern  man  read  this 
invocation  without  smiling.  An  honourable  sena 
tor  also  from  the  same  state,  recently  stated  in 
Congress  (in  substance),  that  every  abolitionist 
caught  in  that  state  should  be  hung,  in  defiance  of 
all  earthly  power. 

These  statements  from  men  who  may  be  pre 
sumed  to  represent  the  popular  will  in  their  section 
— and  as  they  have  been  corroborated  by  acts  of 
violence  farther  south,  give  us  pretty  substantial 
evidence  of  public  sentiment  in  the  slave  states. 
But,  as  an  individual,  I  am  ready  to  hazard  a  belief 
that  the  past  violence  of  the  South,  in  word  and 
deed,  is  a  favourable  omen.  The  suddenness  of 
southern  excitement  is  a  proof  that  it  was  not  the 
result  of  deliberate  reflection;  and  its  violence 
shows  that  it  has  pre-occupied  the  public  mind, 


TO    THE    UNION.  165 

and  closed  up  every  avenue  to  calm  investigation. 
The  South  is,  indeed,  from  its  state  of  society, 
exposed  to  danger  from  the  agency  of  incendiaries, 
but  not  to  an  extent  which  its  vigilance  and  cen 
sorship  of  the  periodical  press  would  justify.  These 
must  be  attributed,  mainly,  to  the  sudden  and  mad 
dening  effects  of  the  unwarned,  and  ill-judged 
irruption  of  abolition  philanthropy.  But  as  the 
violence  of  the  storm  is  soon  wasted  in  proportion 
to  its  fury,  so  the  ebullition  of  popular  excitement 
prostrates  the  energies  of  public  phrenzy,and  leaves 
society  better  prepared  for  dispassionate  and  calm 
reflection.  That  this  will  be  the  result ;  that  the 
South  will  ere  long  condescend  to  discuss  the  sub 
ject  of  slavery  calmly,  on  the  question  of  its  merits, 
and  with  respect  to  its  moral  and  political  bearing 
upon  society,  there  is  great  reason  to  hope ;  that 
this  period  wrill  be  hastened  or  retarded,  as  well  as 
its  ultimate  effect  influenced  by  the  temper  and 
action  of  the  free  states,  cannot  be  doubted. 

That  the  North  will  abandon  its  principles  on 
this  subject,  there  is  no  foundation  for  believing. 
Having  deliberately  given  her  own  slaves  freedom, 
it  is  to  be  presumed  that  she  ardently  wishes  her 
example  in  this  respect  to  be  universally  followed. 
It  is  in  her  view  a  question  both  of  morals  and  of 
interest;  and  although  the  former  doubtless  greatly 
preponderates,  yet,  in  both  aspects,  she  views  it  as 
a  question  deeply  affecting  the  welfare  of  the  South, 
and  affecting  herself  indirectly.  Should  the  civil 
ized  world,  as  it  advances  in  intelligence  and  in 


166 


TO    THE    UNION. 


the  progress  of  free  discussion,  speak  in  terms  of 
reprehension  of  slavery,  her  voice  would  join  that 
of  universal  public  opinion,  for  this  is  now  decidedly 
the  sentiment  of  her  people.  She  perhaps  claims 
that  her  own  freedom  gives  her  an  elevated  stand 
ing,  better  suited  to  a  deliberate  view  of  the  sub 
ject  ;  but  she  may  be  assured  that  by  obtaining 
her  information  at  second  hand,  as  the  mass  of 
society  necessarily  must,  she  is  greatly  liable  to 
mingle  unreasonable  prejudices  with  her  calmest 
deliberations.  The  action  of  the  South  on  one 
point,  has  placed  a  weapon  in  her  hands,  which 
she  will  ever  be  prompt  to  wield.  I  allude  to  the 
demand  made  by  public  meetings,  by  the  press, 
and  if  I  mistake  not  by  some  legislative  assemblies, 
that  the  North  should  stop  the  discussion  of  slavery 
among  her  own  citizens.  In  this,  the  South,  for 
getful  of  her  own  prerogatives,  made  a  demand, 
which  she  would  have  indignantly  spurned,  as  an 
interference  with  the  inalienable  rights  of  freemen. 
Free  discussion  is  the  very  foundation  on  which 
our  liberties  are  based.  If  it  is  the  misfortune  of 
the  South  to  be  placed  in  a  situation  where  it  will 
endanger  her  safety,  can  she  therefore  justly  re 
quire  it  to  be  silenced  ?  The  principle  is  one  which 
she  would  adhere  to,  as  the  sole  arbiter  of  her  own 
interests  and  rights ;  can  she  complain  if  other 
states  and  other  sections  dictate  the  terms  of  its 
being  exercised  among  themselves. 

The  North  will  never,  unless  impelled   by  in 
fluence  beyond  her  present   vision,  attempt  to  put 


TO    THE    UNION.  167 

down  slavery  by  force.  She  is  too  well  acquainted 
with  the  requirements  of  reciprocal  right,  to  do  a 
deed  which  would  justify  positive  interference  with 
her  own  institutions  and  usages ;  but  that  she  will 
continue  to  agitate  the  subject, — to  discuss  it  freely 
among  her  own  citizens,  and  to  exert  an  influence 
prejudicial  to  slavery,  cannot  be  questioned.  It  is 
the  very  genius  of  her  people  to  do  this.  She  will 
exert  an  influence  against  all  slavery,  without 
design  of  intermeddling  with  established  customs 
of  any  state  or  government. 

In  this  sense,  and  to  this  extent,  nearly  the  whole 
North  are  abolitionists;  and  the  difference  between 
the  mass  of  society,  and  those  denominated  im 
mediate  abolitionists  is,  that  the  latter  have  outrun 
the  former  in  a  sober,  rational  view  of  the  subject, 
about  as  far  as  a  certain  father  of  whom  I  have 
heard,  that  in  his  overheated  zeal  for  the  spiritual 
welfare  of  his  family  threatened  to  whip  his  chil 
dren  if  they  would 'nt  pray.  This  I  consider  a  fair 
illustration  of  the  state  of  public  feeling  at  the 
North.  The  great  body  of  the  people,  although 
ardently  desiring  the  universal  extinction  of  slavery, 
and  especially  in  their  own  country,  will  join  the 
abolitionists  in  their  measures  for  its  overthrow, 
about  as  soon  as  the  rational,  intelligent  portion  of 
the  religious  community,  although  anxiously  desir 
ing  the  salvation  of  their  fellow-men,  will  adopt 
the  practice  of  the  father  above-mentioned. 

Thus,  I  have  endeavoured  to  show  the  position 
of  the  two  great  sections  of  our  country,  as  they 


168  TO    THE    UNION. 

stand  at   present   with   regard   to   this   question. 
Let  us 

IV.  Secondly,  Take  a  brief  view  of  another 
mode  of  adjusting  it,  viz.  by  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union.  The  idea  of  such  a  result  ought  never  to  be 
indulged  for  a  moment.  But  as  it  has  been  plainly 
brought  before  the  public,  and  as  it  has  been  loudly 
asserted,  that  its  dissolution  would  be  preferable 
to  a  constant  interchange  of  reproachful  language, 
and  to  living  in  a  state  of  increasing  excitability 
and  apprehension ;  it  may  be  proper  to  look  at 
some  of  the  evident  consequences  of  such  an  end  to 
our  federal  government. 

Has  any  man  in  his  folly  ever  estimated  the  value 
of  this  Union.  Surely  those  men  who  speak  of  its 
dissolution  as  a  desirable  event,  and  who  threaten 
to  use  their  exertions  to  accomplish  it,  have  no 
adequate  perception  of  its  consequences.  The 
very  impudence  and  folly  of  their  clamor,  on  a 
question  of  such  unspeakable  magnitude,  should 
cause  the  community  to  frown  them  into  silence. 
For  myself,  I  cannot  seriously  reflect  upon  such 
an  event  without  dismay.  And  it  is  not  mere 
pride  of  country — glorious  recollections  of  the 
past,  nor  splendid  prospects  of  national  destiny  in 
future — neither  is  it  the  exultation  of  monarchs  at 
the  downfall  of  the  only  republic,  that  excites  my 
fears.  It  is  the  desolations  of  home  ;  the  severing 
of  strongest  ties;  the  disruption  of  society  ;  the  utter 
ruin  of  the  fairest  portion  of  the  globe,  just  bloom- 


TO    THE    UNION'.  169 


ing  in  its  glory,  over  which  I  would  throw  a  veil. 
If  this  nation  is  destined  to  perish,  let  it  share  the 
common  lot  of  others,  and  die  of  old  age,  sunk  in 
luxury  and  corruption,  rather  than  perish  by 
violence,  like  a  youth  in  the  pride  of  his  strength. 
In  its  very  location ;  in  the  circumstances  of  its 
settlement ;  its  independence ;  and  in  its  unrivalled 
blessings ;  it  stands  on  an  elevation  above  all 
which  have  preceded  it :  and  if  it  now  perish,  like 
the  fabled  monster,  by  tearing  out  its  own  bowels, 
the  record  of  its  fate  will  be  the  darkest  page  in 
the  blood-written  history  of  man. 

The  folly  of  this  estimate  is  equalled  only  by 
another — that  of  calculating  the  relative  strength  of 
the  North  and  South.  Even  this  has  been  done — 
probably,  for  lack  of  other  employment.  That  the 
free  states  are  numerically  and  physically — in 
almost  all  the  available  resources  of  a  country — 
superior  to  the  South,  will  not  be  doubted ;  and  that 
in  a  good  cause,  she  might  be  considered,  as  far  as 
human  judgment  can  extend,  an  equal  match :  but 
before  she  engages  in  this  strife,  she  should  hear 
sermons  in  all  her  thousand  churches  from  the 
words  of  inspiration — "the  race  is  not  to  the  swift, 
nor  the  battle  to  the  strong." 

No  man  can  take  a  comprehensive  survey  of 
this  great  country,  without  being  struck  with  the 
conviction,  that  Divine  Providence  designed  it  to  be 
one  nation.  No  other  country,  possessed  by  a 
civilized  people,  presents  the  same  features.  Geo 
graphically  it  is  one,  and  cannot  be  divided  (as 
15 


170  TO    THE    UNION. 

slavery  would  divide  it)  without  opening  a  door 
for  interminable  strife.  If  slavery  is  destined  to 
dissolve  the  Union,  the  division  would  probably 
follow  the  Potomac  (or  Mason  and  Dixon's  line), 
and  the  Ohio.  We  will  suppose  the  separation  to 
be  amicably  effected — the  public  buildings  at 
Washington  sold — the  national  property,  the  navy, 
the  debt,  the  public  documents,  and  the  national 
domain  to  be  divided,  and  all  its  present  interests 
fairly  adjusted.  There  is  indeed  some  common 
property  belonging  to  the  entire  Union,  which  it 
would  be  difficult  to  divide ;  but  in  an  affair  of 
such  moment,  veneration  for  the  past  would  not 
offer  a  Gordian  knot  of  restraint.  I  allude  to  the 
battle-fields  of  the  Revolution,  and  the  memorials 
of  that  eventful  period.  The  battle-fields  are  per 
haps  nearly  equally  divided,  and  each  might  be 
content  with  its  share.  There  is  Lexington,  and 
Bunker  Hill,  and  Saratoga,  in  the  North ;  and 
Eutaw,  and  King's  Mountain,  and  Yorktown,  in 
the  South.  The  portrait  of  the  father  of  his  coun 
try,  and  also  that  of  his  illustrious  French  com 
patriot,  which  now  look  down  upon  the  legislative 
hall  of  Congress,  might  be  severed,  and  half  given 
to  each  section ;  but  as  the  country  had  so  soon 
attained  to  such  a  pitch  of  refinement,  as  to  render 
their  wisdom  useless,  it  would  be  more  in  charac 
ter  to  sell  them  to  the  highest  bidder,  as  second 
hand  rubbish.  There  are  men  in  Europe  who 
would  be  proud  of  the  trust  of  keeping  these  hal 
lowed  memorials  from  sacrilegious  hands ;  and 


TO    THE    UNION.  171 

they  might  perhaps  in  some  future  ages  be  brought 
forth  to  kindle  a  spirit  of  liberty,  and  be  the  patron 
saints  of  freedom,  in  some  colony  of  a  tyrant  realm. 

The  relics  in  the  tomb  of  Mount  Vernon,  being 
exposed  to  disturbance  from  their  location  on  the 
borders  of  the  rival  states,  should  also  be  expatri 
ated. 

The  four  great  pictures  which  adorn  the  capitol 
at  present, — belonging,  as  they  do,  two  to  each 
side,  might  be  given  up  to  their  respective  sections. 
The  figure  of  Peace,  that  most  exquisite  specimen 
of  art,  which  salutes  the  rising  day  with  her  ever 
placid  countenance  from  the  front  portico,  should 
be  crowned  with  the  stars,  and  wrapped  in  the 
stripes  of  the  Union,  and  burnt  by  the  executioner, 
— the  olive  branches  torn  from  the  talons  of  the 
eagle  in  the  senate  hall  being  used  for  faggots. 
The  eagle  himself,  the  proper  emblem  of  a  great 
freebooter,  should  be  perched  upon  the  helmet  of 
Mars,  and  carried  in  the  van,  as  the  presiding 
genius  of  each  army.  In  the  present  national 
motto  "  e  pluribus  unum"  the  last  word  should  be 
exchanged  for  "  bellum,"  and  the  disunion  would 
be  complete. 

This  vast  country  then,  embracing  within  its 
extremities  nearly  twenty-five  degrees  of  latitude, 
containing  sixteen  millions  of  people,  speaking  the 
same  language,  practising  the  same  customs,  and 
professing  the  same  religion  ;  contains  two  nations. 
Their  interests,  which  before  were  reciprocal,  are 


TO    THE    UNION. 

now,  by  this  act  of  separation,  become  dissimilar, 
and  at  variance. 

As  the  most  favourable  view  of  the  case,  we 
will  assume  that  temporary  residents  in  either  sec 
tion  are  permitted  to  dispose  of  their  property,  and 
retire ;  or  if  they  choose,  to  promise  allegiance  to 
the  state,  and  remain.  One  of  the  first  steps  of 
every  independent  nation  is  to  provide  against 
aggression,  and  to  protect  its  own  interests ;  ac 
cordingly,  a  chain  of  posts  is  established  along  the 
boundary  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Mississippi ;  and 
an  armed  force  quartered  in  each  to  prevent  smug 
gling,  repel  invasion,  and  keep  the  peace.  Where 
any  man  may  now  travel  without  notice  or  obser 
vation,  no  man  could  then  pass  without  scrutiny 
or  a  passport. 

The  mighty  Atlantic,  which,  like  its  great  Author, 
is  no  respecter  of  persons,  but  bears  on  its  bosom 
the  people  and  the  productions  of  all  nations,  rolls 
with  equal  majesty  and  beneficence  the  shores  of 
both  ;  and,  as  it  now  affords  a  common  channel  for 
promoting  prosperity,  would  then  offer  equal  facili 
ties  for  international  strife.  Each  nation  would 
struggle  to  obtain  a  naval  superiority,  for  the  pro 
tection  of  its  commerce,  and  the  defence  of  its 
maritime  border.  The  communication  between  the 
North  and  South,  which  is  now  so  extensive,  and 
the  source  of  so  much  prosperity,  would  be  re 
stricted  by  the  same  rules  that  impede  the  corres 
pondence  of  foreign  and  distant  nations.  Every 
cask  of  rice  or  barrel  of  sugar  would  be  taxed  in 


TO    THE    UNION.  173 

the  North ;  every  bale  of  manufactured  goods  in 
the  South.  Every  letter  and  newspaper  in  passing 
over  the  boundary  would  be  subject  to  rigid  inspec 
tion.  The  great  object  of  each  would  be  to  enrich 
and  strengthen  itself  at  the  expense  of  its  rival. 
The  inhabitants  on  opposite  sides  of  the  Ohio  might 
kindle  a  war  at  any  time,  by  shooting  each  other 
across  the  river  for  pastime.  And  the  seeds  of  dis 
sension  might  be  disseminated  with  the  greatest 
facility,  from  the  fact,  that  unprincipled  men  of 
address  and  intelligence  might  pass  from  one  sec 
tion  through  the  other — the  language  being  the 
same — and  spring  a  mine  among  a  community 
reposing  in  conscious  security. 

But  the  source  of  interminable  war,  would  be  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  There  is  not  per 
haps  a  more  powerful  and  universal  trait  of  national 
character  than  a  disposition  to  avail  itself  of  the 
natural  advantages  of  its  situation.  And  this  king 
of  rivers,  which,  with  its  thousand  arms,  drains  the 
fairest  portion  of  the  globe,  was  made  to  bear,  as 
it  now  does,  the  products  of  that  portion  on  its 
bosom.  The  voice  of  Nature  on  this  subject  is  too 
plain  to  be  misunderstood.  Natural  obstacles, 
though  in  part  overcome  by  the  art  and  industry 
of  man,  forbid  any  other  outlet  with  equal  facility. 
A  great  portion  of  this  valley — and  that  portion 
to  which  the  outlet  is  of  most  importance — lies  on 
one  side  of  the  boundary,  and  the  point  of  destina 
tion,  fixed  by  nature,  is  on  the  other.  Would  the 
states  of  the  Upper  Mississippi  submit  to  be  debarred 
15* 


174  TO    THE    UNION. 

the  free  use  of  this  natural  channel  1  Would  the 
states  of  the  South  permit  this  great  avenue  to  be 
common  property  ?  The  event  alone  can  justify 
an  answer. 

In  view  of  all  these  circumstances  and  causes  of 
international  strife,  it  may  well  be  inquired  how 
long  peace  could  be  maintained  between  the  two 
sections.  History  will  give  us  some  light  on  this 
question,  and  we  need  not  go  back  to  the  states  of 
antiquity  for  information, — Christian  history  will 
be  sufficient  for  our  purpose.  Cite  first  the  records 
of  the  middle  ages.  Read  attentively  the  history 
of  those  states  which  overthrew  the  empire  of  the 
West,  and  began  the  present  monarchies  of  Europe; 
the  Goths,  Franks,  and  Lombards,  whose  meagre 
annals  for  several  centuries  are  mostly  filled  with 
accounts  of  royal  fratricides  and  paricides — and 
they  will  inform  you  how  long  brothers  of  jealous 
disposition  and  rival  interests  will  remain  in  peace. 
Ask  England,  our  venerated  mother,  whose  records 
in  the  time  of  the  roses,  will  give  the  most  satis 
factory  evidence  on  this  point ;  for  her  throne  is 
as  deeply  red  with  fraternal  blood  as  any  in  Christ 
endom.  It  would  be  needless  to  multiply  inquiries 
or  state  suppositions  on  a  subject  respecting  which 
the  history  of  all  ages  concurs  with  every  day's 
experience  of  human  character.  Nothing  but 
Divine  interposition  could  avert  the  last  resort  in 
the  case  under  consideration,  even  to  the  period  to 
which  we  have  arrived.  It  cannot  be  longer 
stayed.  The  war  of  brothers  commences.  Mu- 


TO    THE    UNION.  175 

tual  jealousies,  rivalries,  and  heartburnings,  long 
cherished  in  secret,  burst  forth  like  the  tornado  in 
the  summer's  calm. 

The  cause  of  each  party  is  as  clear  by  right  and 
just,  as  though  written  in  sunbeams.  With  mutual 
horror  at  such  unnatural  conduct,  each  party  ap 
peals  to  Heaven  for  justice,  and  for  avenging  the 
injured,  that  is,  its  own  cause.  Public  supplica 
tions  are  offered  in  sublime  mockery  for  Divine  aid 
throughout  the  North  and  South, — and  the  sword 
is  let  loose. 

Hundreds  of  emissaries  from  the  North,  filled 
with  the  spirit  of  evil,  elude  detection,  enter  the 
South,  excite  the  slaves  to  insurrection,  and  promise 
them  the  estates  of  their  masters.  In  the  mean 
time  the  energies  of  the  South  are  distracted,  agi 
tated  as  she  is  by  a  civil  and  a  servile  war,  her 
agriculture  neglected,  and  her  ports  of  commerce 
blockaded.  The  North  is  divided  by  factions; 
many  of  her  best  citizens  having  ever  and  utterly 
opposed  this  resort  to  arms.  But  the  clamour  of 
the  multitude  prevails,  and  in  the  excitement  of  the 
revolution  a  brave  army  is  raised  to  conquer  the 
South.  But  this  army  finds  a  theatre  of  operations 
very  different  from  what  it  expected.  The  re 
sources  of  the  South  are  distributed  on  a  plan 
differing  entirely  from  the  North.  Instead  of  the 
frequent  villages  and  wealthy  towns  of  the  latter, 
it  finds  abundance  of  pine  woods  to  plunder,  with 
country  mansions  scattered  all  over  the  country,  a 
mile  asunder.  As  it  approaches  a  large  town,  a 


176  TO    THE    UNION. 

cloud  of  flame,  a  miniature  Moscow,  points  out  its 
locality,  and  covers  the  retreat  of  the  inhabitants. 
To  the  utter  surprise  of  these  invaders,  they  have 
to  contend  every  step  with  slaves.  Individuals  and 
squadrons  and  regiments  of  negroes  oppose  their 
progress  continually,  fighting  heroically  for  their 
native  soil.  They  enfilade  the  woody  passages 
leading  to  their  masters'  dwellings  and  their  own, 
and,  like  their  brethren  in  Africa,  strike  their  ene 
mies  from  the  bush.  As  it  pushes  onward  into  the 
country,  a  new  enemy  attacks  the  army.  Disease 
seizes  the  unacclimated,  and  the  remnant  falls  an 
easy  prey.  Another  is  raised,  equipped,  and 
marched.  During  all  this  time,  the  arts  of  peace 
being  exchanged  for  the  excitements  and  the  tumult 
of  war,  the  manufactories  of  the  North  are  sus 
pended  ;  her  shipping  unemployed  or  captured ; 
her  agriculture  neglected ;  her  enterprize  palzied  ; 
and  vice  and  crime  are  the  lessons  of  her  former 
industrious  population. 

The  great  courts  of  Europe,  which  have  been 
silent  but  interested  spectators  of  this  scene,  now, 
after  the  combatants  appear  to  be  exhausted,  under 
pretence  of  reconciling  difficulties,  become  engaged 
in  the  strife,  assist  the  weaker  sufficient  to  make 
it  an  equal  match  for  the  stronger,  until  both 
parties  are  completely  prostrated,  and  the  energies 
of  the  country  are  destroyed.  These  allies,  having 
seized  upon  the  most  important  stations,  garrison 
them  with  their  own  troops,  under  the  double  plea 
of  preserving  peace,  and  of  remuneration  for 


TO    THE    UNION.  177 

services  rendered  ;  and  as  for  the  ruined  country, 
they— 

- 

"  Leave  it  alone  in  its  glory." 

Taking  advantage  of  its  prostrate  condition,  a 
dozen  young  Napoleons  aspire  to  the  sovereignty. 
Each  gathers  a  rabble  of  lawless  followers,  and  as 
the  country  exhibits  some  symptoms  of  returning 
life,  after  one-half  the  aspirants  are  defeated  or 
murdered,  the  remainder  having  established  some 
authority  in  different  sections,  and  the  impoverished 
state  willing  for  repose  at  any  sacrifice,  the  whole 
country  is  divided  into  half-a-dozen  kingdoms, 
ready,  as  soon  as  recovered  from  the  desolating 
scourge,  to  renew  scenes  of  conquest  and  violence. 

Such  is  merely  the  faint  outline  of  a  picture 
which  is  impressed  upon  the  mind  in  contemplating 
a  resort  to  arms  as  the  final  result  of  this  contro 
versy.  To  fill  up  the  picture,  would  require  a 
volume  devoted  to  the  extreme  degree  of  human 
madness  and  suffering.  If  God,  who  has  been  our 
great  benefactor,  should  ordain  us  a  scourge  for 
our  ingratitude,  and  let  loose  the  spirit  of  anarchy 
in  our  country,  the  strides  we  have  taken  in  na 
tional  power  and  prosperity  would  be  exceeded 
only  by  our  rushing  downward  to  ruin. 

Thirdly.  We  have  another  mode  of  contempla 
ting  the  settlement  of  this  question,  which  promises 
a  happier  result.  This  is  by  concession  and  com 
promise.  Against  any  proposition  of  this  nature, 
I  am  aware  there  are  strong  feelings  and  prejudices 


178  TO    THE    UNION. 

arrayed  from  that  stubborn  independence  of  our 
people  which  arrogates  to  itself  a  perfection  of 
wisdom,  and  professes  a  readiness  to  defend  its 
opinions  and  vindicate  its  conduct  to  the  last  ex 
tremity.  Some  of  these  prejudices  will  be  noticed 
in  pursuing  this  inquiry ;  but  it  may  be  sufficient 
to  say  here,  that  there  is  ground  to  hope  that  a 
spirit  of  concession  may  prevail  from  the  fact  that 
individual  as  well  as  national  interests  combine  to 
favour  it.  Men  of  the  habitual  reflection  of  the 
American  people,  will  ponder  upon  the  certain 
consequences  of  disunion  and  war,  before  they 
consent  to  engage  in  the  strife.  And  when  each 
man  has  looked  at  the  stake  he  has  in  the  question 
— his  personal  interest  and  safety,  his  family,  his 
friends,  his  merchandize,  his  property — he  will  ask 
at  what  price  or  sacrifice  this  threatening  calamity 
can  be  averted,  before  he  decides  to  meet  it. 

And  that  it  is  a  momentous  question  is  proved 
from  the  difficulties  which  surround  it.  It  is  grown 
so  enormous  that  men  know  not  how  to  grasp  it ; 
but  there  is  some  light  dawning  from  the  right 
quarter.  There  are  many  slaveholders  giving 
their  attention  deeply  to  the  subject.  I  have  heard 
plans  proposed  for  its  extinction,  which  evinced  a 
degree  of  profound  observation  and  reflection. 
There  are  plans  in  contemplation  among  slave 
holders  which  are  worthy  of  candid  attention,  and 
of  encouragement  from  the  free  states.  It  is 
greatly  desirable  that  some  of  these  men  could  so 
far  overcome  the  obstacles  and  the  prejudices  of 


TO    THE    UNION.  179 

their  situation,  as  to  give  their  thoughts  to  the 
public.  It  would  elicit  inquiry,  and  they  would 
find  many  others  seeking  for  information,  to 
whose  minds  their  suggestions,  and  the  fact  that 
the  subject  of  emancipation  was  exciting  public 
attention  at  home,  would  afford  relief  and  gratifica 
tion.  I  know  the  reply  which  will  be  made  to  this 
suggestion,  viz.,  that  the  measures  of  the  aboli 
tionists  have  entirely  precluded  any  such  action 
among  slaveholders  at  present.  That  it  would  be 
unworthy  of  the  South  to  make  any  propositions 
touching  emancipation  in  any  form,  while  the  aboli 
tionists  were  menacing  them  with  ruin.  But  from 
this  view  of  the  subject  I  beg  to  dissent.  It  is  pay 
ing  the  abolitionists  a  compliment  which  they  do 
not  deserve.  They  are  but  a  small  fraction  of 
northern  society,  and  shall  they  suspend  and  ob 
struct  the  action  of  thecommunity,both  North  and 
South,  on  subjects  of  national  interest?  But  another 
reason  may  he  offered  why  this  is  the  proper  time 
for  southern  men  to  offer  their  plans.  The  move 
ments  of  abolitionists  have  awakened  public  atten 
tion  at  the  North  to  the  subject  of  slavery,  and 
the  majority  of  the  people,  although  not  approving 
their  measures,  are  inquiring  for  information,  and 
are  just  in  a  position  to  receive  favourably  any  pro 
position  which,  while  it  exposes  the  errors  and 
mischiefs  of  immediate  abolition,  shall  offer  some 
feasible  plan  for  doing  away  the  evil.  If  no  such 
proposition  is  offered — if  every  thing  which  comes 
from  the  South,  looks  only  to  the  perpetuation  of 


180  TO    THE    UNION. 

slavery — multitudes  of  this  northern  majority  will 
probably  either  settle  down  into  the  unwilling  belief, 
that  slavery  is  an  unremediable  evil,  or  will  fix  their 
attention  and  their  hopes  upon  some  modification 
of  abolition. 

With  these  views,  the  writer  calls  upon  the 
South  for  such  declarations  of  their  wishes  and 
intentions,  without  compromising  their  own  inte 
grity  and  honour,  or  yielding  to  the  fanatical  spirit 
of  immediate  abolition,  as  may  lead  the  awakened 
feeling  of  the  North  to  adopt  measures  for  pre 
serving  the  public  tranquillity,  and  calm  its  agita 
tion  by  manifesting  a  disposition  to  at  least 
investigate  the  merits  of  the  subject. 

And  I  would  not  startle  the  patriotism  or  self- 
interest  of  the  reader,  in  declaring,  that  by  conces 
sion  or  compromise,  I  avow  a  firm  conviction, 
that  colonization  offers  the  best,  the  only  true  plan 
of  bringing  this  controversy  to  a  happy  issue — and 
of  making  a  freeman  of  the  slave.  I  am  aware 
that  my  patriotism  and  philanthropy  will  both  be 
called  in  question  for  this  avowal ;  but  to  such  per 
sons  I  have  only  to  say  that  a  candid  and  thorough 
investigation  of  the  subject  has  forced  this  convic 
tion  upon  me,  in  spite  of  powerful  and  opposing 
prejudices.  And  the  deliberate  attention  of  the 
reader  is  invited  to  the  facts  and  the  reasons 
which  will  now  be  given  for  this  conviction. 

The  idea  of  transporting  all  the  slaves  back  to 
Africa,  seems  at  first  view  utterly  chimerical ;  and 
so  the  writer  once  viewed  it.  But  the  work  is  not 


TO    THE    UNION.  181 

beyond  the  reach  of  possibility  ;  and  the  rule  of  a 
good  man  respecting  a  good  work  is,  if  he  cannot 
do  all  he  would,  he  will  do  all  he  can.  If  we  can 
not  remove  all  the  blacks,  certainly  we  can  relieve 
those  portions  of  the  country  where  slavery  is  be 
coming  a  burden.  On  this  point  I  should  regret 
not  having  the  aid  and  co-operation  of  abolitionists. 
I  know  they  are  capable  of  exerting  a  powerful 
influence  in  this  cause,  and  am  confident  that  it  is 
a  mistaken  philanthropy  which  leads  them  to  op 
pose  it.  They  have  entirely  different  views  of 
human  nature  from  the  mass  of  men,  if  they  think 
to  elevate  the  negro  to  an  equality  with  the  whites 
in  this  country.  And  unless  they  possess  the 
power  of  foreknowledge,  and  are  acting  under  the 
inspiration  of  what  shall  be  at  some  future  period, 
it  is  almost  self-evident,  that  their  success  in  the 
measures  which  they  now  so  strenuously  urge, 
will  result  in  the  injury  of  the  coloured  race,  both 
present  and  prospective.  At  least  such  is  the  con 
clusion  of  the  writer,  in  contemplating  this  subject, 
in  the  light  of  past  experience. 

I  recollect  once  suggesting  the  proposition  of 
purchasing  the  slaves,  for  the  purpose  of  emanci 
pating  them,  to  an  abolitionist  of  some  notoriety, 
when  he  immediately  replied — "  what !  buy  stolen 
property  1  no,  never."  To  what  extent  the  views  of 
this  man  are  those  of  abolitionists  generally,  I 
know  not ;  but  would  make  a  few  remarks  on  this 
point,  for  the  reflection  of  all  northern  men.  If 
the  negroes  were  stolen,  the  North  is  at  least  as 
16 


182  TO    THE    UNION. 

deeply  implicated  in  the  crime  as  the  South.  If 
there  is  national  dishonour  in  slavery,  the  North  is 
a  partaker  in  it.  If  it  is  to  be  blotted  out  in  blood, 
she  will  inevitably  furnish  a  share.  If  emancipa 
tion  can  be  amicably  effected,  she  must  and  ought 
to  bear  a  part  of  the  burden. 

That  the  subject  of  colonization  emancipation  is 
becoming  one  of  increasing  interest,  is  evident  from 
the  fact  that  some  of  the  slave  states  have  state 
societies  formed  for  encouraging  it,  which  receive 
legislative  aid.  And  the  time  is  not  distant,  when 
the  question  of  African  colonization  will  be  agi 
tated  in  the  national  capital.  Emancipation 
must  become  a  subject  of  national  interest,  of  na 
tional  deliberation  and  effort.  And  I  should  rejoice, 
were  there  such  a  tone  of  feeling  in  the  country, 
expressed  through  the  state  legislatures  and  local 
assemblies,  as  should  demand  of  Congress  to  offer 
to  transport  to  Africa  at  the  national  expense,  and 
provide  for  their  temporary  maintenance,  all  the 
slaves  which  should  be  offered  by  their  masters, 
and  all  the  indigent  free  blacks  who  should  offer 
themselves,  to  return  to  their  father-land.  While 
these  were  in  progress  of  removal,  another  propo 
sition  might  be  made  to  purchase  all  that  should  be 
offered  within  a  limited  price  and  time.  By  this 
means  public  attention  would  be  drawn  to  this 
mode  of  emancipation,  and  by  their  gradual  re 
moval  the  utility  and  expediency  of  colonization 
on  a  large  scale  would  be  tested.  Should  the  cur 
rent  of  popular  feeling  among  the  blacks  be  directed 


TO    THE    UNION.  183 

strongly  into  this  channel,  it  would  soon  break 
down  every  barrier,  and  its  force  become  irresisti 
ble.  Not  only  the  slave  and  the  indigent  freeman, 
who  would  be  aided  in  their  removal,  but  the  man  of 
property,  would  be  anxious  to  emigrate  to  join  a 
community  where  his  respectability  and  influence 
would  be  something  more  than  nominal,  and  not 
entirely  overshadowed  and  obscured  by  his  supe 
riors.  To  this  plan,  I  am  aware  there  are  strong 
objections,  but  I  cannot  believe  the  objectors  have 
deliberately  canvassed  the  subject.  The  question 
of  colonization  has  entered  into  the  discussions 
between  the  North  and  South  on  slavery,  and  each 
section  has  imbibed  prejudices  against  it — the 
North  professing  to  believe  that  the  South  encou 
raged  it  from  interested  motives  of  making  slavery 
more  secure ;  and  the  latter  jealous  of  every  thing 
emanating  from  the  North,  looked  upon  it  as  the 
incipient  movement  of  a  society,  whose  ultimate 
object  was  the  overthrow  of  slavery. 

This  result  has  been  produced  by  the  abolition 
excitement,  since  which,  for  the  reasons  just  men 
tioned,  the  Colonization  Society  has  received  less 
favour  from  the  public,  than  in  the  first  years  of 
its  existence.  But  whatever  may  be  the  fate  of  this 
society,  the  cause  is  a  good  one,  and  must  prevail. 
My  belief  in  its  goodness  is  based  upon  observation 
of  human  nature  and  experience  of  the  past — in 
its  prevalence,  is  founded  upon  the  wisdom,  justice, 
and  humanity  of  my  countrymen. 

First.  The  South  will  not  listen   a  moment  to 


184  TO    THE    UNION. 

emancipation  in  any  other  mode.  Those  who  are 
opposed  to  slavery  from  principle,  and  those  who 
would  be  relieved  from  it  as  a  burden,  look  only  to 
colonization  for  relief.  They  are  certainly  the 
best  judges  of  their  situation,  both  present  and  pros 
pective,  and  the  opposer  of  colonization  may  choose 
between  the  practicability  of  changing  the  public 
sentiment  of  an  entire  community  of  millions,  and 
the  propriety  of  co-operating  in  measures  of  their 
own  adoption.  But  this  fact  of  southern  opposition 
to  emancipation,  except  the  slaves  are  sent  out  of 
the  country,  is  altogether  a  secondary  considera 
tion  in  advocating  colonization.  Even  if  they 
should  consent  to  a  full  and  free  unconditional 
abolition,  I  would  still  urge  colonization  upon  the 
negro.  I  would  plead  for  it  then,  as  I  do  now,  first 
and  chiefly,  for  the  very  reason  that  the  immediate 
abolitionists  profess  to  oppose  it;  that  is,  from 
motives  of  regard  for  the  welfare  of  the  coloured 
race.  I  must  acknowledge  a  full  conviction,  that 
it  is  out  of  the  question  to  elevate  the  negro  to  an 
equality  with  the  whites  in  this  country.  And  this 
conviction  is  the  result  of  a  calm  and  deliberate 
consideration  of  the  condition — not  of  the  servile 
and  degraded  southern  slave — but  of  the  eman 
cipated  blacks  and  their  descendants  in  the  free 
states. 

I  cannot  reflect  upon  this  condition,  without 
adopting  the  language  of  another — "  he  can  never 
rise,  he  is  a  negro  !"  In  proof  of  this,  go  to  New 
England,  the  land  of  the  pilgrims,  the  boasted  home 


TO    THE    UNION.  185 

of  Christianity,  of  good  morals,  of  political  freedom, 
of  unfeigned  philanthropy,  and  of  charitable  insti 
tutions.  There  the  slave  has  been  free  for  near 
half  a  century,  and  what  is  his  condition?  Where 
is  his  place  in  the  family,  even  of  the  parish  minis 
ter?  Where  in  the  church,  and  at  the  eucharist? 
He  is  a  man,  a  man  of  intelligence,  of  integrity,  of 
property.  But  can  he  vote  ?  Has  he  any  politi 
cal  rights  ?  He  has  been  knocking  at  your  legis 
lative  doors  repeatedly  for  redress  of  grievances, 
for  removal  of  his  disabilities,  for  equal,  Declara- 
tion-of-Independence,  rights  and  privileges — and 
the  only  response  he  has  ever  obtained  is  "  you  are 
a  negro."  His  property  is  taxed,  but  he  has  no 
voice  in  the  taxation — a  violation  of  the  very  prin 
ciple  for  which  your  and  his  forefathers  dared  to 
resist  the  power  of  the  mother  country.  He  is  a 
native  of  the  state ;  and  if  reputation,  industry,  and 
knowledge  can  make  a  man  respectacle,  he  is 
entitled  to  the  appellation:  but  you  trample  him 
under  foot,  and  impart  the  right  of  suffrage  and 
citizenship  to  a  degraded,  ignorant  foreigner,  who 
is  in  every  respect  (except  the  colour  of  his  skin) 
his  inferior.  He  is  subject  to  the  most  degraded 
caste.  You  do  not  hesitate  to  come  in  the  closest 
personal  contact  with  the  negro,  as  a  barber,  or  a 
body  servant,  but  a  Jew  would  sooner  eat  pork 
than  you  would  sit  at  the  same  table  with  him.  In 
this  remark  I  speak  of  the  great  body  of  society. 
Your  daughters  would  be  disgraced  in  associating 
16* 


180  TO    THE    UNION. 

with  parties  of  black  females.  Even  now  they 
shudder  at  the  bare  idea. 

I  have  before  stated  that  southern  men  ought 
never  to  reproach  the  North  on  the  subject  of  amal 
gamation.  May  it  not  be  said,  with  much  greater 
emphasis,  that  the  North  should  be  cautious  in 
reproaching  the  South  for  infracting  the  plain  letter 
of  Jefferson's  Declaration,  by  denying  the  blacks 
their  freedom.  The  latter  openly  avow  a  right  to 
keep  them  in  servitude;  the  former  have  granted 
them  a  freedom,  which  at  the  same  time  they 
acknowledge  to  be  counterfeit,  by  withholding  from 
them  those  privileges  which  they  themselves  con 
sider  the  essential  rights  of  freemen. 

Again.  Look  at  Philadelphia,  the  boasted  city 
of  loving  brothers,  and  of  good  order.  You  would 
not  believe,  from  a  knowledge  of  its  past  history, 
or  a  walk  through  its  quiet  streets,  that  materials 
for  a  mob  could  be  found  in  the  whole  city  and 
liberties ;  but  even  Philadelphia  is  moved,  when 
the  African  dares  a  step  above  his  level.  A  white 
and  a  negro  walk  the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  arm 
in  arm! — will  posterity  believe  it! — and  Pennsyl 
vania  Hall  is  fired  to  see  the  spectacle. 

Take  the  most  respectable  coloured  person  in 
the  community,  and  what  is  the  current  observa 
tion  respecting  him  ?  Why  exactly  this ;  that  he 
is  very  smart  for  a  negro.  The  mere  report  of 
an  intermarriage  between  a  white  and  black  would 
throw  any  city  of  the  North  into  a  ferment. 

If  this  is  the  condition  and  the  standing  of  the 


TO    THE    UNION.  187 

negro  in  the  free  states  fifty  years  after  emancipa 
tion,  how  long  a  period  will  be  required  to  place 
him  on  a  level  with  the  whites  ?  When  this  ques 
tion  is  satisfactorily  answered,  some  opinion  may 
be  formed  of  the  time  requisite  to  elevate  the 
southern  slave  to  the  same  equality. 

But,  it  will  be  answered,  public  opinion  is  wrong 
in  consigning  the  negro  to  degradation.  Admit 
it,  and  what  follows  ?  Will  the  true  philanthropist 
spend  his  life  in  fruitless  struggles  to  overcome  an 
unconquerable  prejudice  against  the  coloured  man ; 
or  take  advantage  of  that  prejudice  to  place  him 
in  a  situation,  where  he  may  exert  all  the  faculties 
of  his  nature  for  his  own  benefit?  A  sort  of  infamy 
is  every  where  attached  to  a  state  of  slavery,  and 
this  with  his  sable  complexion  fixes  an  indelible 
mark  upon  the  negro,  which  can  never  be  effaced 
until  human  nature  is  radically  changed.  This 
country  is  not  the  home  of  the  negro ;  it  never  can 
be.*  He  may  continue  to  live  here,  but  he  can 
never  assert  the  privileges  of  a  freeman ;  can  never 
develope  his  powers.  He  will  always  be  an  outcast, 
trodden  under  foot,  a  hewer  of  wood  and  drawer 


*  "  You  may  set  the  negro  free,  but  you  cannot  make  him 
otherwise  than  an  alien  to  the  European. — The  moderns 
then,  after  they  have  abolished  slavery,  have  three  prejudices 
to  contend  against,  which  are  less  easy  to  attack  and  far  less 
easy  to  conquer,  than  the  mere  fact  of  servitude ; — the  pre 
judice  of  the  master,  the  prejudice  of  the  race,  and  the 
prejudice  of  colour." 

DE  TOCQUKVILLE,   Democracy  in  America. 


188  TO    THE    UNION. 

of  water.  He  has  no  better  inheritance  in  pros 
pect  for  his  children,  than  to  be  servants  of  ser 
vants.  In  view  of  this  nearly  universal  prejudice, 
many  of  the  best  men  of  the  North  are  decidedly 
in  favour  of  colonization ;  and  I  doubt  not  also 
the  greater  portion  of  the  community  who  have 
soberly  investigated  the  subject. 

And  here  the  opposer  alike  of  colonization  and 
slavery  will  inquire,  why  not  free  the  slave,  and 
let  him  remain  as  a  hired  servant?  I  answer, 
chiefly  for  the  reasons  just  stated.  This  plan  offers 
at  first  view  a  very  plausible  mode  for  extinguish 
ing  slavery,  and  elevating  the  negro,  and  as  such 
deserves  attention.  I  have  ever  believed  that  if 
the  South  would  adopt  it,  it  would  relieve  her  from 
very  great  present  embarrassments.  The  negro 
would  have  a  motive  to  labour,  to  exercise  frugal 
ity  and  economy,  which  he  cannot  have  in  his 
present  state.  If  the  planter  should  divide  his  cul 
tivated  fields  among  his  labourers,  and.  offer  a  pre 
mium  for  the  greatest  product,  he  would  realize  a 
larger  profit.  The  fear  of  insurrection,  a  suspicion 
of  which  now  makes  every  man's  ear  to  tingle, 
would  be  entirely  removed.  The  resources  of  the 
whole  South  would  no  doubt  be  greatly  increased. 

But  I  am  aware  that  the  South  looks  upon  this 
proposition  as  one  bearing  the  impress  of  folly 
upon  its  very  face,  and  giving  rise  to  no  emotions 
but  those  of  contempt  and  ridicule.  Perhaps  the 
best  men  would  reject  it  instantly.  The  whole 
South  would  reject  it  unanimously.  Nevertheless 


, 

TO    THE    UNION.  189 

this  fact  does  not  alter  my  opinion.  I  cannot 
believe  it  a  futile  project,  until  the  experiment 
shall  have  been  tried.  But  still  its  ultimate  results 
— taking  the  experience  of  the  North,  and  a  know 
ledge  of  human  nature  for  our  guides — are  far  from 
being  clear  or  satisfactory.  Certainly,  I  should 
not  hesitate  to  declare  a  preference  for  coloniza 
tion,  in  comparison  with  this  plan.  The  one  offers 
certain  advantages  for  the  negro,  the  other  must 
be  comparatively  a  doubtful  experiment.  It  has 
been  shown,  what  is  the  present  condition  of  the 
blacks  in  the  free  states — that  their  freedom  is 
merely  nominal ;  and  from  that  we  may  form  an 
opinion  of  the  slow  progress  which  the  blacks  of 
the  South  would  make  in  improving  themselves. 

In  considering  this  point,  we  must  not  lose  sight  of 
the  agents  by  which  this  change  is  to  be  effected. 
If  the  slaves  are  emancipated,  the  act  must  be  done 
by  southern  legislators.     Suppose  for  a  moment 
they  consent  to  try  the  experiment  of  emancipa 
ting  the  slaves  without  removing  them.     He  has 
studied    human  character   to  very  little   purpose, 
who  does  not  at  once  perceive  that  in  the  steps 
preliminary  to  this  event,  effectual  measures  for 
self-defence  would  be  taken.     Various  enactments 
would  be  made  with  reference  to  the  probable  con 
sequences  of  such  an  event ;  and  one  not  the  least 
important  would  have  a  direct  bearing  upon  the 
political  rights  of  the  blacks.     Would  the  right  of 
suffrage  be  extended  to  them,  or  would  this  prero 
gative  of  freemen  be  fenced  around  with  so  many 


190 


TO    THE    UNION. 


barriers,  that  but  few  of  them  would  be  able  to 
surmount  them  for  generations.  The  laws  would 
most  certainly  be  so  framed  as  to  exclude  them 
forever,  if  possible,  from  any  share  in  state  or 
national  legislation.  Were  the  right  of  suffrage 
given  them  to  the  same  extent  that  is  now  prac 
tised  in  some  of  the  free  states,  they  would  control 
every  department  of  government  in  more  than  one 
of  the  slave  states,  at  the  very  next  following 
election.  And  I  need  not  ask,  what  southern,  but 
what  northern  legislator  would  consent  to  occupy 
a  seat  in  the  representative  hall  with  a  negro ! 
The  consequence  of  such  freedom  as  they  would 
obtain,  would  be,  either  a  degraded  state  of  inferi 
ority — or  if  the  blacks  should  increase  faster  than 
the  whites  (a  very  probable  supposition),  they 
would  soon  be  in  a  condition  to  demand  equal 
rights. 

But  again  ;  these  slaves  are  set  free,  exceedingly 
ignorant,  totally  destitute  of  property.  Accustomed 
to  entire  direction  in  all  their  employments,  they 
are  now  cast  off,  and  told  to  provide  for  them 
selves.  They  have  nothing  to  commence  with,  no 
houses,  lands,  toots,  or  trades;  and  though  used  to 
labour,  very  few  of  them  have  sufficient  intelli 
gence  to  direct  their  labours  to  a  useful  purpose 
or  a  profitable  result.  Would  not  a  community  of 
whites  in  such  circumstances  be  satisfied  with  the 
gross  indulgences  of  sensual  propensities,  and  drag 
out  a  miserable  existence  rather  as  brutes  than  as 
men.  What  then  can  be  hoped  from  the  negro, 


TO    THE    UNION.  191 

who,  in  addition  to  his  exertions  for  persona]  advan 
tage  in  the  most  unfavourable  circumstances,  has 
to  combat  every  step  with  an  unconquerable  pre 
judice  against  his  colour,  deepened  by  a  recollec 
tion  of  his  late  servile  condition.  To  the  prejudice 
which  now  consigns  him  to  a  secluded  degrada 
tion  in  the  intelligent,  enlightened  free  states,  would 
be  added  a  strong,  ever  wakeful  suspicion  at  the 
South,  arising  from  the  physical  inequality  of  the 
blacks. 

In  view  of  these  almost  certain  results,  I  cannot 
perceive  how  the  friend  of  the  African  race  can 
wish  him  to  remain  in  this  country  as  a  freeman. 
Great  rejoicings  have  been  made  in  some  parts  of 
the  country,  at  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  in 
the  British  colonies  in  our  neighbourhood.  I  shall 
be  glad,  if  these  rejoicings  do  not  prove  to  be  pre 
mature.  Every  good  man  and  friend  of  his  race, 
must  rejoice  at  the  abandonment  or  extinction  of 
slavery,  wherever  it  offers  a  prospect  of  improving 
the  condition  of  the  slave ;  and  every  such  man 
will  believe  that  freedom  is  preferable  to  slavery 
in  every  case,  until  observation  and  experience 
disprove  the  fact.  Very  contradictory  reports 
have  been  published  respecting  the  operation  of 
the  apprenticeship  system,  and  abolition  in  the 
British  islands ;  but  sufficient  has  been  elicited  to 
convince  the  writer  of  the  following  facts  : — That 
full  emancipation  is  safe  for  the  master — that  the 
negro  slave  is  the  same  passive  machine  in  Ja 
maica  as  in  the  southern  states,  and  that  he  is 


192  TO    THE    UNION. 

looked  upon  as  the  same  degraded  inferior — that 
continual  altercation  will  arise  between  the  em 
ployer  and  the  hireling  in  such  cases  respecting 
wages — and  that  the  latter  has  little  to  hope  from 
his  late  master,  in  aiding  his  improvement  in  any 
respect.  The  consequences  of  this  measure  cannot 
be  known  with  certainty  any  faster  than  time 
develops  them,  although  it  will,  no  doubt,  event 
ually  tend  to  the  improvement  of  the  negro.  We 
should,  however,  be  cautious  in  all  our  specula 
tions  on  this  subject,  and  especially  in  comparisons 
between  the  state  of  these  colonies  and  our  own 
country.  The  former  are  not  independent  states, 
but  entirely  under  the  control  of  the  British  crown 
or  Parliament;  consequently  the  government  of 
England  not  only  dictates  the  time  and  mode  of 
emancipation,  but  the  condition  of  the  freedmen 
with  regard  to  citizenship.  The  present  popular 
feeling  of  the  British  nation  indicates  that  this  will 
be  favourable  to  the  negro.  In  view  of  these  facts 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  one  result  of  colonial 
emancipation  will  be  an  ultimate  abandonment  of 
the  island  to  the  blacks,  unless  the  whites  should 
choose  to  live  under  their  legislative  control. 

VII.  But  there  is  a  better  prospect  for  the  slave 
in  the  land  of  his  fathers.  Tropical  Africa  appears 
to  be  the  home  destined  by  the  Creator  for  the 
negro,  and  has  been  the  residence  of  his  race,  from 
time  immemorial.  There  is  room  enough  even  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  coast  of  Upper  Guinea  for  all 


TO    THE    UNION".  193 

the  black  population  of  the  Union ;  as  but  a  very 
small  part  of  its  luxuriant  soil  has  been  brought 
under   cultivation.     There  the   negro   can    stand 
erect   in   his  manhood,   and,  in  the   face   of  his 
brother,  behold  only  an   equal.     No   master  has 
power  to  task  him,  or  make  him  feel  continually  a 
consciousness  of  bitter  degradation.     He  may  there 
assert  the  rights  and  dignity  of  a  freeman,  and 
cultivate  the  faculties  which  God  has  given  him. 
If  he  has  enterprize,  there  is  a  sufficient  field  for  its 
exercise  in  the  unknown  regions  of  his  father-land. 
If  he  has  learned  any  thing  valuable,  in  his  state 
of  vassalage,  he  can  there  turn  it  to  his  own  ad 
vantage.     If  he  is  capable  of  exciting  an  influence 
upon  Africa  in  favour  of  Colonization  and  Christi 
anity,  she  needs  it  all.     His  religion,  his  character, 
his  intellect,  are  here  thrown  into  the  shade,  by  his 
white  superiors ;  there  they  may  be  exerted  for 
his  own  benefit,  and  the  improvement  of  his  be 
nighted  countrymen.     Here,  in  the  most  favoura 
ble  circumstances,  he  obtains  but  a  partial  reward 
for  his  labour — he  is  surrounded  by  an   influence 
which  neutralizes  his  utmost  exertions — there,  he 
has  to  compete  only  with  equals,  and  may  obtain 
a  reward  bounded  only  by  the  limits  of  his  indus 
try,  his  enterprize,  and  skill.     His   employments 
here  are  the  same  which  will  be  in  request  there. 
Here  he  cultivates  the  earth,  and  another  enjoys 
the  harvest.     There  he  may  survey  his  cotton  or 
cane-field  with  a  conscious  pride  of  feeling  that 
the  fruits  of  his  toil  are  all  his  own.     The  pro- 

17 


194  TO    THE    UNION. 

ducts  of  his  country  will  find  a  ready  market,  and 
he  may  even  come  in  competition  with  his  old 
master  in  producing  the  staple  articles  of  com 
merce.  Even  now  the  coffee  of  Liberia  is  in 
demand  through  the  Union.  Her  cotton,  sugar, 
and  rice  are  of  the  best  quality,  and  there  is  no 
question  but  she  may  cultivate  all  the  productions  of 
the  tropics,  including  the  teas,  the  spices,  the  dyeing 
vegetables,  and  the  drugs  of  India.  Of  the  finest 
fruits  she  has  a  profusion  almost  without  cultiva 
tion,  equal  to  any  other  section  of  the  globe. 

But,  it  will  be  answered,  the  climate  of  tropical 
Africa  is  unhealthy  for  immigrants.  This  is  un 
doubtedly  true.  It  is  a  well  known  fact  that  emi 
grants  from  a  northern  to  a  southern  climate.,  or 
from  an  old  settled  to  a  new  country,  must  go 
through  a  process  of  acclimation,  in  which  more 
or  less  die.  This  is  abundantly  evident,  from  the 
progress  of  population  in  our  own  country.  But 
from  impressions  on  my  own  mind,  without  refer 
ence  to  tabular  statements,  I  am  decidedly  of 
opinion  that  the  coloured  emigrants  to  Liberia 
have  enjoyed  greater  immunity  from  fatal  diseases 
than  emigrants  from  one  part  of  our  own  country 
to  another.  The  mortality  among  them  has  been 
incomparably  less  than  among  the  first  settlers  of 
Plymouth  or  Jamestown :  and  I  doubt  not  a  less 
proportion  of  American  emigrants  die  in  Liberia, 
than  of  slaves  who  are  carried  from  the  northern 
slave  states  to  the  southern,  or  of  white  emigrants 
from  the  eastern  states  to  the  western  country. 


TO    THE    UNION.  195 

• 

Those  who  doubt  the  correctness  of  this  statement 
are  invited  to  furnish  the  facts,  and  give,  in  tabular 
form,  the  data  from  which  a  comparison  may  be 
made.  It  is,  if  I  mistake  not,  generally  admitted 
that  Liberia  is  a  very  healthy  country  for  the 
natives,  and  as  much  so  at  least,  as  tropical  cli 
mates  generally  to  foreign  residents  of  temperate 
habits.  A  large  majority  of  the  whites  who  have 
gone  there,  and  resided  more  than  a  year  in  the 
service  of  the  Colonization  Society,  have  survived, 
although  many  of  them  were  from  the  northern 
states  of  this  country.  A  number  of  these  were 
in  this  country  during  the  last  year,  and  their  evi 
dence  on  the  subject  is  entirely  worthy  of  credit. 
But  so  important  a  point  as  healthfulness  of  the 
climate  should  be  duly  weighed  in  connection  with 
the  removal  of  a  numerous  population  ;  and  who 
ever,  on  either  side,  should  make  wanton  mistate- 
ments  on  this  subject  to  favour  the  designs  of  a 
party,  can  be  looked  upon  in  no  other  light  than  a 
trifler  with  human  existence. 

Does  not  America  owe  it  to  Africa,  to  send  back 
her  children,  and  their  descendants.  We  have 
used  them  as  servants  for  nearly  t\vo  centuries, 
and  have  made  them  no  equivalent.  If  they  have 
become  wiser,  it  has  been  accidental,  not  a  posi 
tive  gift.  They  have  engrafted  some  of  our  worst 
vices  on  their  own.  Our  forefathers  were  among 
the  first  who  engaged  in  the  horrible  traffic  of 
slaves,  and  were  thus  guilty,  in  a  great  measure,  of 
exciting  those  murderous  wars,  which  have  torn 


196  TO   THE    UNION. 

• 

and  scourged  that  unhappy  country  for  ages.  We 
may  pay  the  debt  in  part  by  returning  those  over 
which  we  have  control;  by  placing  them  in  hap 
pier  circumstances,  and  making  the  settlements  a 
barrier  to  the  coast  trade  in  slaves.  And  as  the 
whole  nation  is  guilty  in  this  matter,  and  as  the 
whole,  also,  has  been  profited  by  the  toil  of  the 
slave,  his  redemption  and  welfare  becomes  an 
object  of  national  importance.  Not  until  the  nation 
becomes  interested  in  the  subject,  will  the  work  be 
accomplished.  It  is  too  vast,  too  burdensome,  to 
be  effected  by  an  individual,  a  society,  or  a  state. 
And  the  resources  of  the  country  are  equal  to  the 
mighty  enterprize.  Has  not  God  been  our  bene 
factor  to  put  into  our  hands  the  means  of  paying  this 
enormous  debt.  He  has  given  us  peace  (with 
very  slight  intermissions)  from  the  commencement 
of  our  national  existence,  and  multiplied  our  riches 
without  measure.  The  whole  period  of  fifty  years, 
has  been  one  scarcely  interrupted  scene  of  onward, 
onward  increase  and  prosperity,  heretofore  un 
known  in  the  annals  of  the  world.  Our  population 
has  quadrupled,  our  means  increased  a  hundred 
fold.  I  cannot  review  this  scene  of  progressive 
welfare  without  a  conviction  that  God  intends  a 
great  offering  shall  be  made,  to  remove  from  our 
midst  an  entire  people,  by  whose  burdens  this 
great  accumulation  has  in  part,  been  produced. 
We  stand  in  relation  to  the  Africans,  as  the  Egypt 
ians  stood  to  Israel ;  and  as  sure  as  the  latter  were 
liberated,  so  surely  must  these  be  released.  It  is 


TO    THE    UNION.  197 

needless  to  go  into  the  evidences  of  this  coming 
event.  They  are  distinctly  perceptible  to  every 
Christian,  and  philanthropist,  and  patriot.  The 
great  question  is,  shall  we  come  forward  as  a  peo 
ple,  and  make  the  time  and  mode  of  their  discharge 
a  great  thank  offering,  becoming  the  magnanimity 
of  a  nation  which  is  above  the  fear  of  an  outward 
foe ;  or  shall  we  grasp  the  possession,  as  the  lion 
grasps  the  lamb,  until  the  decree  for  emancipation 
shall  be  executed  after  suffering  all  the  plagues  of 
Egypt.  And  the  real  philanthropist  is  equally 
confident  of  the  ultimate  redemption  of  the  slave, 
and  the  necessity  of  sending  him  home  to  Africa- 
He  must  needs  go  back,  not  only  for  his  own  wel 
fare,  but  for  enlightening  his  countrymen.  The 
day  is  dawning,  in  which  Ethiopia  is  to  be  civil 
ized  and  Christianized. 

And  although  this  undertaking  appears  so  vast, 
and  apparently  unattainable,  its  difficulties  will 
gradually  disappear  when  the  work  is  commenced 
in  earnest.  When  this  shall  be  done,  there  will  be 
less  want  of  mearfc  than  of  willingness  to  apply 
them.  The  resources  of  the  nation  are  annually 
accumulating  far  beyond  what  would  be  required 
for  this  object,  by  the  most  ardent  and  active  inter 
est  in  its  accomplishment.  We  have  presented 
the  singular  spectacle  of  a  nation,  receiving  more 
revenue  than  it  knew  what  to  do  with;  and  with 
prudence  and  integrity  in  the  national  councils, 
such  a  period  is  before  us  again.  The  very  opera 
tion  of  our  present  national  system  and  laws,  will 


198  TO    THE    UNIOPf. 

produce  such  a  result  continually,  while  we  have 
wisdom  to  keep  in  peace  with  the  nations.  Either 
of  two  items  of  the  national  revenue,  that  from  the 
customs  or  the  public  lands,  would  be  sufficient  to 
effect  this  great  work  in  a  progressive  manner. 
Will  this  application,  so  equal,  so  little  burdensome, 
so  just,  and  for  the  accomplishment  of  so  import 
ant  an  object,  be  denied  ?  And  will  not  the  nation 
demand  that  the  navy  be  enlisted  in  and  devoted 
to  this  great  work?  The  ships  of  war,  which  are 
now  decaying  in  the  harbours,  and  the  gallant 
men  who  are  rusticating  on  shore  for  want  of  em 
ployment  on  the  ocean,  should  be  engaged  in  this 
business,  greatly  to  reduce  the  expense,  and  to 
benefit  the  service.  By  the  agency  of  this  single 
power,  as  many  might  be  transported  (at  the  least 
expense)  as  could  be  advantageously  settled  in 
Africa  for  some  years  to  come.  And  it  would  be 
a  spectacle  worthy  of  our  infant  but  energetic 
Union,  to  see  the  ocean  covered  with  American 
vessels,  as  transports  and  convoys,  carrying  back 
to  their  father-land,  that  portion  of  our  population 
which  is  extensively  regarded  by  some  of  the  most 
enlightened  nations  as  a  dark  spot  upon  our  na 
tional  character.  The  songs  of  a  nation  redeemed, 
swelling  over  the  ocean,  would  be  re-echoed  writh 
great  joy,  by  all  human  intelligence.  Such  a  spec 
tacle  would  show  to  the  admiration  of  the  world, 
that  the  boasted  motto  of  o,ur  statesmen  and  am- 
Jbassadors— "  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men" — 
is  not  an  unmeaning  or  false  declaration,  and  would 


TO    THE    UNION.  199 

elevate  us  in  the  estimation  of  the  wise  and  good, 
more  than  the  gaining  of  a  hundred  battles,  or  the 
exhibition  of  Roman  valour. 

By  engaging  in  this  enterprize  on  a  sd.le  suited 
to  its  magnitude,  treaties  would  be  entered  into 
with  native  tribes,  and  cessions  of  territory  re 
quired,  by  which  we  should  check  and  assist  to 
extinguish  the  merciless  slave  trade ;  a  work  in 
which  our  government  has  but  slightly  co-opera 
ted,  from  motives  of  national  policy,  on  which  I 
need  not  animadvert.  With  the  reputation  and 
the  resources  of  the  nation  to  sustain  it,  this  under 
taking  should  not  be  carried  on  in  a  parsimonious 
manner.  The  negro  should  not  be  sent  empty 
away.  The  destitute  should  be  provided  with 
homes,  and  every  family  a  lot  in  proportion  to  its 
numbers,  that  they  might  in  reality  sit  under  their 
own  vine  and  fig  tree. 

The  accomplishment  of  this  enterprize,  or  even 
its  vigorous  commencement,  would  form  an  era 
in  the  history  of  Africa,  and  its  influence  could 
not  be  otherwise  than  salutary.  These  ransomed 
servants  would  carry  the  Bible  and  the  Christian 
ministry  along  with  them,  and  churches  and  schools 
would  be  established  in  all  their  borders.  It  would 
be  a  land  of  Goshen,  not  like  that  of  old  ;  but  the 
light  in  their  dwellings  would  shine  afar,  and  il 
luminate  the  gross  darkness  of  that  mighty  con 
tinent.  The  news  of  their  coming  would  be  spread 
abroad,  and  barbarian  kings  from  the  vast  interior 
would  send  messengers  to  hold  "  palaver "  with 


200  TO    THE    UNION. 

the  Christian  foreigners.  Their  example  might 
teach  these  rude  nations,  that  the  arts  of  peace 
were  preferable  to  the  horrors  of  war.  With 
wise  governors  and  counsellors  to  mould  the  infant 
state ;  with  a  sufficient  number  of  workmen  in  the 
useful  arts  ;  with  the  blessings  of  Christianity  and 
civilization  ;  it  would  possess  advantages,  which 
few  incipient  colonies  ever  enjoyed.  By  its  in 
dustry,  and  enterprize,  in  developing  its  agricul 
tural  resources,  this  infant  nation  would  repay  in 
a  few  generations  all  the  burdens  imposed  by  its 
establishment  in  its  contributions  to  American 
commerce. 

To  those  who  shrink  from  the  contemplation  of 
this  project — the  purchase  and  transportation  of 
the  slaves — in  view  of  the  expense,  let  me  suggest 
a  reflection  for  my  countrymen  on  the  objects  for 
which  enormous  sums  of  money  are  now  expended 
by  the  nation.  I  will  instance  only  one,  the  Florida 
war.  It  is  painful  to  reflect  upon  the  insatiability 
of  a  false  national  honour.  The  sum  which  has 
been  expended,  estimated  at  $20,000,000,  in  com 
bating  a  handful  of  Indians  without  subduing  them, 
would  purchase  a  territory  in  Africa  large  enough 
for  all  the  black  population  in  the  Union,  and 
build  them  houses  to  live  in ;  or  a  thousandth 
part  of  it  would  have  secured  the  friendship  of 
these  savages,  instead  of  making  them  inveterate 
enemies. 

But   the   national    honour    was    said  to  be    in 
jeopardy ;  and  to  sustain  this,  the  people  have  as 


TO    THE    UNION.  201 

yet  quietly  submitted  to  this  enormous  expense. 
But  if  national  renown  has  any  connection  with 
the  prodigal  expenditure  of  money,  we  shall  have 
a  niche  in  the  temple  of  glory.  Future  history 
will  secure  us  the  undying  fame  of  putting  forth 
the  energies  of  a  mighty  nation  against  fifteen 
hundred  rude  barbarians,  and  killing  them  at  an 
expense  of  fifty  thousand  dollars  per  head.  Fifty 
odd  millions  more  will  extinguish  the  tribe,  unless, 
as  in  mercantile  affairs,  the  capitation  value  should 
be  increased  as  the  number  is  lessened.  But  even 
if  the  recent  project  of  building  a  wall  of  living 
men  across  the  peninsula,  to  repress  their  incursions, 
should  succeed,  and  no  more  millions  be  demanded 
at  present — the  glory  of  the  past  is  at  least  secure, 
and  we  may  be  assured  that  posterity  will  do  us 
justice.  I  regret  to  mar  the  joy  of  this  prospective 
fame,  by  suggesting  that  the  price  of  killing  one 
Indian  would  have  given  a  new  and  happier  life 
to  a  hundred  negroes.  But  Indians  and  negroes 
are  very  different  men,  and  national  honour  and 
national  benevolence  are  at  present  far  from  being 
convertible  terms. 

VIII.  In  closing  this  appeal,  the  writer  begs 
serious  attention  to  the  following  remarks,  as  a  suit 
able  appendix  to  the  subject,  ft  has  been  hinted, 
that  emancipation  must  become  a  subject  of  na 
tional  interest  and  effort.  On  this  point  I  am 
satisfied  that  reflection  and  discussion  will  produce 
a  degree  of  unanimity  as  to  the  fact,  however 


202  TO    THE    UNION. 

the  people  may  disagree  respecting  the  extent  and 
application  of  the  national  resources.  There  is  a 
tone  of  independent  feeling  and  action  in  the  South, 
which  in  two  or  three  states  has  already  begun 
the  work  of  Colonization,  and  when  fully  awakened, 
will  go  far  towards  effecting  the  object ;  but  even 
should  state  action  be  sufficient  for  the  purpose, 
the  interposition  of  government  would  be  required 
in  directing  their  plans  to  unity  of  design.  Unless 
the  national  standard  should  he  raised  in  Africa, 
and  a  governor  or  board  of  control  have  supreme 
jurisdiction,  petty  jealousies  would  break  out  into 
anarchy  and  collisions  between  the  emigrants  and 
colonial  governments  of  the  different  states,  and 
thus  all  the  great  objects  of  Colonization  would  be 
defeated.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  when  the 
current  of  popular  feeling  on  this  subject  shall 
run  in  the  proper  channel,  it  will  give  the  helm  of 
direction  to  the  national  legislature.  The  popular 
will  is  the  supreme  dictator,  the  federal  govern 
ment  is  its  agent.  The  great  object  at  present 
should  be  to  diffuse  information.  There  are  power 
ful  influences  already  at  work,  and  if  the  opposing 
sentiments  are  left  to  combat  in  open  field,  the 
truth  will  be  elicited  by  their  collision.  Nothing 
can  be  effected  now,  but  an  appeal  to  the  good 
sense  and  sober  judgment  of  the  people,  for  there 
is  no  room  for  its  admission  into  legislation.  There 
is  a  struggle  too  engrossing,  between  the  ins  and 
outs  of  party,  to  listen  to  matters  of  purely  be 
nevolent  import.  It  is  the  curse  and  disgrace  of 


TO    THE    UNION.  203 

our  country,  that  the  demon  of  party  feeling  and 
party  interest  sits  enthroned  in  the  capital, — and 
not  only  in  the  capital,  but  the  state  governments. 
Every  where  the  predominant  party  stretches  its 
prerogative  to  the  utmost.  No  influence  is  allowed 
to  the  minority,  no  patriotism  recognized,  although 
it  constitutes  perhaps  nine-twentieths  of  the  people; 
no  personal  reputation,  no  amount  of  public  service 
can  shield  the  man  from  proscription  and  obloquy, 
who  does  not  fall  down  and  worship  the  great 
idol  of  party.  Legislation  seems  to  be  not  for 
the  nation,  but  for  the  party.  The  very  spirit 
which  actuates  a  victorious  army,  maddened  by 
an  obstinate  conflict,  to  rush  onward  over  a  beaten 
and  retiring  foe,  appears  to  govern  our  political  and 
legislative  action.  Perhaps  the  reader  may  sup 
pose  these  remarks  to  be  levelled  at  the  present 
administration.  It  is  difficult  to  decide  which 
side  is  the  most  deserving.  The  spirit  manifested 
by  the  opposition  gives  but  too  much  evidence, 
that  its  first  acts  of  power  would  be  exercised  in 
effacing  every  vestige  of  the  present  party  domina 
tion.  The  writer  is  no  party  follower.  If  he  loves 
Caesar  less,  it  is  because  he  loves  Rome  more. 

There  are  indeed  some  appeals  to  patriotic  prin 
ciples,  some  assertion  of  independent  thought  in 
the  debates  of  the  capitol;  but  the  loaves  and  fishes 
of  office  are  evidently  the  great  object  of  patriotic 
ardor.  And  it  is  loudly  proclaimed  by  the  clamor 
ous  patriots  of  the  leading  presses  on  both  sides, 
that  the  very  hope  of  freedom  depends  upon  the 


204  TO    THE    UNION. 

success  of  their  doctrines  and  measures.  A  wise 
man  of  old  had  these  very  Solomons  in  mind, 
when  he  said  "  truly  ye  are  the  men,  and  wisdom 
shall  die  with  you."  The  government  is  yet  in 
the  hands  of  the  people.  If  they  have  not  sufficient 
virtue  and  knowledge  to  retain  it,  they  will  be  the 
first  to  feel  the  weight  of  anarchy  and  despotism. 
If  they  permit  their  eyes  to  be  blindiblded,  and 
themselves  led  by  those  whom  they  sustain  and 
support,  they  cannot  complain  if  they  are  brought 
to  the  very  brink  of  the  precipice.  In  the  present 
state  of  the  public  mind,  there  is  little  room  for 
the  exercise  of  patriotic  benevolence.  Amid  the 
storm  and  tumult  of  partizan  rancor,  the  welfare  of 
the  slave  or  the  interest  of  his  master,  are  subjects 
of  secondary  importance.  Even  should  the  ques 
tion  be  now  agitated  as  one  having  a  national 
bearing,  it  would  be  swallowed  up  in  the  vortex 
of  party.  The  lover  of  his  country  and  his  fellow- 
men,  can  only  exert  an  individual  influence  in 
endeavouring  to  diffuse  facts,  and  awaken  a  spirit 
of  inquiry  ;  leaving  to  Infinite  Wisdom  to  curb  the 
elements  of  discord  and  party  selfishness;  and 
bring  about  a  period,  when  men  shall  live  and  act 
for  the  well-being  of  their  fellow-men. 


205 

. 


CONCLUSION. 


IN  revising  this  brief  work  for  the  press,  after 
several  months'  delay  since  it  was  first  written, 
the  writer  begs  the  indulgence  of  the  reader  in 
offering  a  few  additional  observations,  and  making 
some  explanatory  remarks  to  prevent  misappre 
hension. 

First,  however,  he  would  state  that  a  more 
careful  observation,  and  a  more  extended  survey 
of  the  whole  field  of  controversy,  including  a  some 
what  enlarged  acquaintance  with  abolition  periodi 
cals — although  residing  himself  among  a  slave 
community — have  resulted  in  a  stronger  convic 
tion  that  the  positions  laid  down,  and  the  facts 
stated  in  this  work,  are  in  the  main,  correct.  In 
expressing  his  views  in  the  foregoing  pages,  the 
writer  is  not  aware  of  being  influenced  by  any 
sinister  motives,  nor  can  he,  on  the  other  hand,  lay 
claim  to  any  very  excitable  feelings  of  com 
placency,  in  prospect  of  receiving  the  flattering 
encomiums  of  any  party,  to  which  these  pages  are 
18 


206  CONCLUSION. 

particularly  addressed.  He  never  asked  himself 
respecting  any  thing  he  was  about  to  write,  "  what 
will  slaveholders  say  to  this?"  or  "how  will  aboli 
tionists  relish  that  1"  He  has  expressed  his  own 
opinions,  and  aimed  at  stating  facts  without  regard 
to  fear  or  favour  of  any  man  or  body  of  men. 
He  never  was  a  member  of  any  society,  having 
any  connection  with  the  question  of  slavery,  nor 
did  he  take  any  person's  counsel  with  regard  to 
the  propriety  of  what  he  was  about  to  write. 
The  impressions  made  on  his  mind,  by  a  slight 
acquaintance  with  practical  slavery,  induced  a 
wish  to  throw  some  light  on  the  vexed  and  agi 
tated  subject;  and  when  this  wish  began  to  assume 
a  tangible  form  in  writing,  the  great  and  important 
inquiry, — "  what  do  truth,  and  justice,  and  future 
accountability  require  V9  was  kept  continually  in 
view.  That  strong  language  has  been  frequently 
used,  and  that  the  free  states  have  received  a  large 
share  of  pointed  rebuke  in  the  foregoing  pages, 
is  freely  admitted :  that  the  sentiments  addressed 
to  any  section  or  class  of  the  community,  are  more 
severe  than  truth  and  facts  will  warrant,  will  be 
cheerfully  acknowledged,  on  conviction.  The 
writer  claims  no  exemption  from  the  frailties  or 
infirmities  of  humanity — he  only  bespeaks  the  in 
dulgence  of  wiser  men,  that  the  errors  of  the  head 
may  not  be  imputed  to  the  heart. 

That  his  inquiries  and  observations  should  result 
in   recommending  Colonization  was   entirely  un- 


CONCLUSION.  207 

foreseen  at  the  commencement.  He  once  laughed 
at  the  impracticable  scheme,  and,  with  a  good 
portion  of  the  abolition  prejudice  against  it,  set  it 
down  as  an  enterprize,  something  worse  than 
visionary.  But  a  candid  view  of  both  sides  of  the 
question,  and  a  deliberate  survey  of  the  whole 
controversy,  has  resulted  in  an  entire  conviction 
that  this  plan  offers  the  only  feasible,  benevolent, 
effectual  remedy  for  American  slavery.  Were 
his  circumstances  such  as  to  warrant  the  under 
taking,  he  would  willingly  devote  his  humble  ef 
forts,  to  persuading  and  assisting  the  injured  and 
degraded  coloured  population  of  the  free  states,  to 
go  back  to  the  home  of  their  fathers.  He  knows 
of  no  field,  in  which  true  benevolence  could  be 
more  usefully  employed. 

Again,  the  writer  is  aware  that  he  will  be 
charged  by  the  spirit  of  modern  abolition,  with 
feeling  a  strong  sympathy  for  slaveholders.  In 
one  sense  he  pleads  guilty  to  this  charge ;  and  he 
is  confident  a  large  number  of  abolitionists  would 
do  the  same,  if  they  were  acquainted  with  slavery. 
He  would  vindicate  slaveholders,  when  they  are 
traduced — when  arraigned  before  a  tribunal  to 
which  they  owe  no  submission, — and  when  the 
misdeeds  of  a  fraction  are  imputed  to  the  whole 
body.  Beyond  this,  the  charge  cannot  be  sub 
stantiated.  If  denounced  as  a  defender  of  "hor 
rible  cruelty,"  or  even  wishing  to  perpetuate  slavery, 
I  would  only  answer,  "  it  is  a  small  thing  to  be 


208  CONCLUSION. 

judged  of  man's  judgment."     But  I  am  frank  to 
declare,  that  the  more  slavery  and  abolition  are 
brought  into  contrast,  the  more   I   am  convinced 
there  are  two  sides  to  the  question.     Are  not  the 
abolitionists  aware  that  slaves  were  bought  and 
sold  and  advertised   in  Boston  as  common  occur 
rences)   before  the  Revolution — and  that  when  it 
was  abolished,   or  about  to  be   abolished,  many 
slaves  were  carried  from  the  North  and  sold  to  the 
southern  planters,  to  save  a  loss  ?     Do  not  they 
very  well  know  that  slavery  was  forced  upon  the 
colonies  by  the  mother  country,  and  one  of  the 
colonial  assemblies  sharply  rebuked,  (and  its  peti 
tions  rejected),  for  remonstrating  against  it.     Bat 
they  will  say,  "  we  have  now  abolished  it  entirely :" 
true,  and  presuming  upon  the  act,  you  are  now 
saying  in  effect — "  stand  by,  for  I  am  holier  than 
thou."      This  spirit  will   never   effect   peaceable 
emancipation. — Neither  will  the  good  sense  of  the 
community  ever   resolve  to  pull   down  slavery, 
because  there  are  bad  men,  monsters,  engaged  in  it. 
After  publishing  the  horrible  atrocities  of  the  sys 
tem  in  their  periodicals  for  years,  the  abolitionists 
have  collected  the  whole  series  into  one  volume, 
with  large  additions,  to  "  astound"  the  people  with 
the    horrid    cruelties   of  slavery.      This   volume 
contains  the  evidence  of  a  "  thousand  witnesses. Ji 
Are  the  slaveholders  of  thirteen  states  to  be  de 
nounced  as  out  of  the  pale  of  humanity,  by  these 
thousand  witnesses?     Suppose  some  one  should 


CONCLUSION.  209 

bring  the  testimony  of  a  thousand  witnesses  to 
prove  that  slaveholders  were  kind,  humane,  and  in 
dulgent  ? — would  abolitionists  allow  the  testimony 
on  one  side,  as  an  offset  to  the  other  ?  But  again, 
say  the  abolitionists, — "  human  nature  is  so  bad, 
that  where  men  have  the  power  of  slaveholders, 
the  will  abuse  it."  Let  us  apply  this  argument 
to  another  subject.  Human  nature  loves  rum  so 
well,  that  wherever  men  can  get  it,  they  will  drink 
to  excess.  And  would  the  people  of  New  Eng 
land  quietly  submit  to  the  insinuation,  that  the 
whole  mass  of  society  were  drunkards,  because 
a  thousand  witnesses  had  testified  that  they  had 
seen  beastly  intoxication  in  various  parts  of  New 
England  1  Dr.  Johnson  said,  the  man  who  was 
continually  declaring  that  all  men  were  rogues, 
incontestibly  proved  that  one  at  least  was  so. 
And  I  will  venture  to  suggest,  even  at  the  hazard 
of  being  called  an  advocate  of  slavery,  that  there 
is  some  negative  good  at  least  in  the  restraints  of 
slavery.  Abolitionists  know  very  well  what  num 
bers  of  free  blacks  at  the  North  are  miserable 
drunkards.  There  are  very  few  such  among 
slaves,  chiefly  because  they  are  slaves.  But  mul 
titudes  of  free  blacks  in  the  slave  states  are  like 
those  just  mentioned  at  the  North,  a  burden  to 
themselves  and  a  nuisance  to  society. 

In  conclusion,  I  will  venture  to  propose  to  aboli 
tionists,  how  they  may  effect  abolition.     Slavery 
is   at   best   an   untenable   position  if  rightly  ap- 
18* 


210  CONCLUSION. 

preached.  But  the  abolitionists  have  hitherto  at 
tacked  it  in  their  own  strength — and  have  failed. 
They  are  at  present  "  a  house  divided  against 
itself."  They  have  in  several  instances  urged  on 
their  followers  to  the  polls, — and  have  failed. 
They  have  endeavoured  to  unite  the  people  of  the 
free  states  in  their  plans  and  measures — and  have 
failed.  Let  them  undertake  to  conquer  slavery, 
as  the  apostles  undertook  to  conquer  the  world, — 
and  they  will  succeed.  Had  the  disciples  remained 
in  Judea,  lecturing  the  Jews  upon  the  abominations 
and  cruelties  of  heathen  idolatry,  how  soon  would 
such  measures  have  converted  Greece,  and  Rome, 
and  Scythia  1  But  they  took  their  lives  in  their 
hands,  and  went  forth  to  preach  to  the  idolater. 
I  can  assure  the  abolitionists,  there  are  large 
"  fields,  white,  and  ready  for  the  harvest,"  at  the 
South.  In  many  of  these  fields,  the  masters  ac 
knowledge  the  evil  of  slavery,  and  are  anxiously 
looking  for  relief.  They  now  consider  abolitionists 
— and  with  too  much  reason — as  incendiaries  and 
fanatics.  But  under  the  influence  of  that  spirit 
and  power  which  accompanied  the  apostles,  the 
chains  would  imperceptibly  loosen  and  fall  from 
the  slave.  The  master  cannot  withstand  such  a 
spirit.  Go  entirely  defenceless,  trusting  in  the  arm 
of  the  Almighty.  "  He  that  takes  the  sword  shall  fall 
by  the  sword."  Put  the  slaveholder  upon  his  con 
science.  Hitherto  you  have  put  him  entirely  upon 
his  legal  rights,  and  there  he  is  strong.  Have  you 


CONCLUSION.  211 

not  men  for  this  service  ?  Men  with  the  New 
Testament  in  their  hands,  and  its  spirit  in  their 
hearts  ?  No  other  spirit  can  subvert  slavery,  so 
as  to  bring  good  out  of  the  evil.  Slavery  cannot 
be  forced  down,  without  deeply  injuring  both 
master  and  slave.  Even  should  the  measures  of 
abolitionists  succeed,  and  the  servants  remain  on 
the  soil,  they  will  be  but  servants  3till,  and  will 
need  the  goodwill  and  friendship  of  their  employers. 
If  they  should  be  induced  to  go  to  Africa,  the  as 
sistance  and  counsel  of  their  masters  will  be  a 
source  of  gratification  and  prosperity. 

It  becomes  the  intelligence,  the  justice,  and  the 
Christianity  of  the  North  to  send  men,  in  whom  the 
public  can  confide,  to  the  South,  to  bring  back  an 
accurate  report  of  what  slavery  is  practically, 
before  judgment  is  made  up  respecting  it.  Thus 
far  the  statements  on  the  subject  have  been  of  an 
ex  parte  character.  I  do  not  believe  the  people  of 
the  South  would  object  to  have  slavery  examined 
by  men  of  principle  and  intelligence.  Openness  of 
conduct  is  a  strong  trait  in  their  character.  They 
would  submit  to  it  with  as  good  a  grace  at  least 
as  the  people  of  the  North  would  to  an  examina 
tion  of  their  civil  and  domestic  customs  and  usages. 


Although  the  fact  may  be  of  no  interest  to  the 
public,  the  writer  claims  a  pride  of  country  as  an 


212  CONCLUSION. 

American,  not  exceeded  by  that  of  any  of  his 
cotemporaries.  And  his  pride  is,  not  to  be  a  north 
ern  or  a  southern  man,  but  an  American.  His 
vision  is  not  confined  to  a  state  or  section,  but 
embraces  the  country — the  whole  country.  When 
the  bond  of  union  is  loosened,  and  falls  to  pieces, 
the  charm  of  American  citizenship  will  be  broken. 
As  the  first  independent  nation  on  this  side  the 
Atlantic,  we  have  preserved  the  continental  title, 
and  if  true  to  ourselves  we  shall  sustain  a  reputa 
tion  worthy  of  the  name.  Unless  we  cherish  a 
national,  an  American  feeling,  we  shall  lose  or 
become  unworthy  the  great  name  we  have  assumed, 
and  which  is  recognized  throughout  the  world. 
As  soon  as  sectional  or  selfish  interests  shall  have 
triumphed,  and  rent  the  Union  in  pieces,  petty  ap 
pellations  will  be  attached  to  petty  sovereignties. 
There  will  be  none  worthy  the  names  of  Ameri 
cans  ;  and  a  New  Yorker,  or  a  Carolinean,  will 
take  rank  with  a  Brazilian,  or  a  Guatimalean. 
Every  American  should  cherish  this  national  feel 
ing  with  the  spirit  of  a  man  who  stands  as  a  con 
necting  link  in  a  line  of  illustrious  men,  whose 
worth  and  reputation  he  is  to  transmit  to  posterity. 
With  these  views,  and  apprehending  a  fatal 
issue  to  the  Union  from  this  cause,  were  my  voice 
of  sufficient  influence  to  be  heard,  I  would  summon 
an  assembly  of  the  free  states,  to  discover,  as  accu 
rately  as  possible,  the  state  of  public  sentiment,  and 
to  offer  to  the  South  some  plan  for  the  extinction 


CONCLUSION.  213 

of  slavery,  in  the  spirit  of  sympathy  and  generosity, 
and  propose  to  co-operate  in  the  work.  Could  1, 
on  the  other  hand,  gain  the  ear  of  the  South,  I 
would  call  on  her  citizens  for  an  explicit  avowal 
of  their  views  of  slavery,  soliciting  them  to  state 
the  terms  on  which  they  would  accede  to  the 
wishes  of  the  North,  and  the  sacrifices  they  would 
make  for  national  union.  Should  these  efforts  fail 
to  settle  the  controversy,  I  would  exhort  each  to 
resist  to  the  utmost  every  attempt  to  stir  up  sec 
tional  strife, — to  bear  and  forbear  with  all  long 
suffering,  rather  than  consent  to  a  civil  convulsion, 
leaving  to  the  judgment  of  a  wiser  generation,  and 
the  guidance  of  Divine  Providence,  the  future 
settlement  of  the  question. 

With  respect  to  the  manner  of  this  performance, 
the  writer  would  bespeak  the  indulgence  of  criti 
cal  readers.  It  wras  written  during  such  brief  and 
irregular  intervals,  as  could  be  spared  from  a  very 
laborious  and  harassing  employment — without 
opportunity  to  study  connection  of  parts,  or  make 
it  critically  conformable  to  the  rules  of  rhetoric 
and  grammar.  Without  entering  into  any  laboured 
argument,  the  writer  has  aimed  chiefly  to  throw 
together  statements,  and  facts,  and  opinions  on  the 
principal  subjects  of  controversy,  in  a  manner 
intelligible  to  the  great  body  of  the  community. 
Perhaps  he  has  offered  nothing  new.  If  so,  he  can 
only  plead  the  scarcely  pardonable  excuse  of  good 
intentions,  in  adding  to  the  great  mass  of  useless 


214  CONCLUSION. 

publications.  If  he  has  merely  suggested  some 
ideas  worthy  of  being  transplanted  from  a  barren 
into  a  better  soil,  where  they  may  flourish,  and 
bring  forth  good  fruit,  his  labour  will  not  be  alto 
gether  in  vain. 


District  of  Columbia,  June,  1839. 


THE    END. 


* 


*\       ,1? 


14  DAY  USE 

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